Showing posts with label Religious intolerance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religious intolerance. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 22, 2011

Persecution of Ahmadis Spreads

IPS-Inter Press Service, Italy

Persecution of Ahmadis Spreads

By Zofeen Ebrahim

KARACHI, Nov 22, 2011 (IPS) — “Hatred against us has now spread to small towns and villages,” Saleemuddin, spokesperson of the persecuted Ahmadiya community in Pakistan, told IPS.

The Ahmadis believe that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, a 19th century cleric, “was the messiah promised by God”. Such beliefs are seen by orthodox Muslims as unacceptable. Pakistan has declared its four million Ahmadis to be non-Muslim.

Speaking to IPS over the phone from Rabwah – a city in the Punjab province also known as Chenab Nagar – which is 95 percent Ahmadi, Saleemuddin added, “We are in a fix – if we say we are Muslims, we will be charged and sentenced; but we cannot say we are non-Muslim when we are Muslims.”

On May 28, last year, 94 members of the Ahmadi community were massacred in their mosques during the Friday congregation in the eastern city of Lahore. Since then, Saleemuddin said, there has been a marked increase in persecution, with 11 more people killed.

Last year, the Punjab government made it mandatory for students to reveal whether they were ‘Muslim or non-Muslim’ before being admitted to school or college, or even before registering for the board exams.

Two months ago Raziatul Bari, a 23-year-old English teacher at Chenab Public School in the Punjab village of Dharanwali, was sacked from work. The same afternoon ten students – some from Chenab Public School and some, like four-year old nursery student Manahil Jameel, from the Muslim Public School – were expelled.

Yasser Arafat, the principal of Chenab Public School, told IPS, “The teacher was preaching her faith in school despite warnings, so she was asked to leave. The students left in protest.”

Arafat charged that the students and the teacher want “international attention so they can seek asylum.”

Bari, who had studied at Chenab Public before becoming a teacher there, said she had never faced a problem like this before.

“It all began a few months ago when a cleric came and poisoned our village,” she told IPS. Following the cleric’s visit, Arafat asked Bari on several occasions to convert to Islam. “Each time I would tell him I was a Muslim,” Bari said, adding that her insistence was in vain.

Of the 210 households in Dharanwali, Bari says just nine belong to Ahmadis, who live in constant fear.

“Today our children have been expelled from schools, tomorrow we may be forced to leave our homes. Where will we go?“

For years Ahmadis in Pakistan have kept a low profile, living in constant fear and humiliation. Now the hatred has spread and the oppressors have become more belligerent, which has led to several instances of overt faith-based persecution.

In June, pamphlets listing the names and addresses of Ahmadi families alongside messages inciting murder were distributed in the Punjab city of Faisalabad. Several months later 55-year-old Naseem Ahmed, whose name had appeared on that list, was shot dead in his home.

In another case, the local cleric of a small village in Punjab issued a severe edict after seeing the sons of a deceased Ahmadi offering funeral prayers for their father: “Anyone who offers prayers for a kafir (an infidel, in this case an Ahmadi) gets expelled from Islam.”

This anti-Ahmadi sentiment is not restricted to Punjab alone. In Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan, a group of clerics forced an Ahmadi to ‘renounce’ his beliefs, warning him that if he refused his business would be set aflame and he would be killed.

According to Pakistan’s constitution, the Ahmadi minority cannot call themselves Muslims, are banned from referring to their places of worship as mosques and cannot even sing hymns in praise of Prophet Muhammad.

Meanwhile the government of Pakistan has updated the electoral list for the forthcoming 2013 national elections to include a new column for religion, meaning that if Ahmadis choose to cast their vote, they will be forced to mark this new form, thereby accepting their designated ‘status’ as non-Muslim.

The new form states that any citizen who declares himself a Muslim also affirms that “he believes in the finality of Prophet Muhammad; that he is not a follower of any person who claims to be a prophet after Muhammad and does not call himself an Ahmadi.”

Qari Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, a leading cleric for Khatme-Nabuwat Momin, one of the several religious movements in Pakistan that aims to protect the sanctity of Prophet Muhammad, has been living in Chenab Nagar since 1976. He believes that if the constitution has declared Ahmadis non-Muslim, they should accept that status if they want to continue living in the country.

“They lead astray the true believers and want Pakistan to disintegrate. They are enemies of our country,” Usmani said, adding he has never maintained any “social contact” with Ahmadis.

But Ali Dayan Hasan, the Pakistan director of Human Rights Watch, told IPS that the government’s move to update the electoral lists was a “historical blunder”, adding that the “unwillingness” of the government to either repeal or amend discriminatory legislation has made it “complicit” in abuses perpetrated against the Ahmadis.

Since 1974, various civilian and military governments have passed a series of ordinances that discriminate against Ahmadis.

Hasan said, “the legal apartheid that the state instituted against Ahmadis in 1974 has led to increased social apartheid over the decades.”

Describing the recent expulsion of students and the teacher in Dharanwali as “obscenely abusive”, Hasan said Pakistan’s state and some sections of its society “appear determined to deny Ahmadis, Christians and any others who question bigotry and prejudice any place at all in the social fabric.”

Saleemuddin, too, blames the government for stoking hatred against his community. “It has allowed extremist clerics to hold hate campaigns against our community,” he said.

Rights groups and the usually raucous media have been virtually silent in the face of such blatant discrimination. “The role of the media in our society is deeply flawed,” Kamila Hyat, a rights activist and journalist told IPS. “The same biases that pervade the rest of society also influence the reporting of these cases.” (END)

Copyright © 2011 IPS-Inter Press Service. All rights reserved.
URL: http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=105923

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Ahmadis of Chantara are under Threat!

Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at, Bangladesh
Ahmadis of Chantara are under Threat!

After about an year and a half, Ahmadis of Chantara village under Ghatail Upozilla (Police Station) of Tangail district are under threat again!

Background:

Last year (18th June 2010) a makeshift Tin-shed Ahmadiyya mosque and a house were vandalized by some fanatic people led by Imam Mufti Nasiruddin. Daily Star Report, 19.06.2010.

After that there were further attacks on Ahmadis on 7th & 8th August, 2010, when almost all the houses of 40 (forty) Ahmadi families were vandalized, looted and many were injured. See the link below:


Again there was fresh attack on Ahmadis on 18th October, 2011, this time 6 Ahmadis including a lady were severely injured. See the link below:


Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at arranged Press Conferences, issued Press Notes and met and submitted documents to high-ups of the government including Ministers belongs to that area, MP of that area, IG of Police and sought justice and appealed to uphold the basic human and citizen rights of Ahmadis. We were assured that justice will be done and rights of Ahmadis will be protected.

Recent Incident:

On 13th November, 2011, almost one and a half years after, local Ahmadis of the village Chantara took initiative to set a tin-shed boundary to protect the place of mosque that was vandalized and looted by the fanatics in last year. But unfortunately, bowing down to the demand of fanatics Officer In-charge and UNO of Ghatail Upozilla stopped Ahmadis to erect the tin-shed wall and in their presence all the construction material were taken away.

Now the question are :

  • Aren’t the Ahmadis citizens of Bangladesh.
  • Don’t they have the rights to protect their own properties.
  • Isn’t their constitutional and basic human rights to build their place of worship/mosque and practice whatever they belief?
  • Can Administration do injustice to any of their citizens?

Govt need to act against Ahmadiyya tormentors

New Age, Bangladesh
15/11/2011 00:00:00
Home | EDITORIAL |
Govt need to act against Ahmadiyya tormentors

MEMBERS of the Ahmadiyya community, a minority sect of Islam, are once again exposed to intimidation. This time, they have been barred from building a mosque at a village in Tangail, although, in line with Article 41 of the constitution, ‘every citizen has the right to profess, practice or propagate any religion’ and ‘every religious community or denomination has the right to establish, maintain and manage its religious institutions’. According to a report published in New Age on Tuesday, the victims have pointed fingers to the law enforcers, who are supposed to protect their rights, for that violation. A local leader of the Ahmadiyya community alleged that while members of the Ahmadiyya community at Chantara village under Ghatail upazila started fencing their land in a bid to construct a mosque Monday morning, the police came to the spot and stopped their activities apart from pulling down the fencing.

It is pertinent to recall that Ahmadiyyas are a beleaguered community in Bangladesh. A section of religious bigots have sought to prevent them from practising their faith for years. Besides, they have clamoured during this period that the government declare Ahmadiyyas as non-Muslims which is altogether affront not only to democratic values but also to the spirit of religious harmony. Worse, they have unleashed attacks on them and their homes and places of worship on several occasions. Regrettably, however, successive governments have hardly taken any deterrent steps against these crimes. Rather, they appear to have pursued an appeasement policy when it comes to dealing with such bigotry. All this may have, on the one hand, emboldened the bigoted elements in society to continue their misdeeds and, on the other, prompted the law enforcing agencies to give indulgence to the tormentors of the Ahmadiyyas.

Most people in Bangladesh, irrespective of their religious faiths, believe in communal harmony; the bigots are essentially a minority. If the government is serious, it can tackle such bigotry that is posing a danger to our syncretistic social fabric, developed over centuries. Ironically, the denial of rights of a community occurs at a time when a political force, which usually loves to be identified as the defender of that secular entity of the country, is in power. The incumbents indeed need to do something decisive to ensure the rights of all minorities, including the Ahmadiyyas, as well as to thwart the overall activities of the bigots.

Tangail villagers stop Ahmadiyyas from building mosque

New Age, Bangladesh
15/11/2011 00:00:00
Home | FRONTPAGE |
Tangail villagers stop Ahmadiyyas from building mosque

Our Correspondent. Tangail

People in a Tangail village stopped the local members of the Ahmadiyya community from constructing a mosque for themselves on Monday.

Assistant superintendent of police Md Sajahan said that members of the Ahmadiyya community at Chantara in Ghatail started to build a mosque in the village about 11:00am but that other villagers stopped the work.

On hearing about the matter, the police from Ghatail police station went to the spot and removed both parties, he added.

Policemen have been deployed there to deal with any violence.

Local Ahmadiyya leader Rafiq Ahmed, however, said that local members of the community had started fencing their land to build a mosque but that the police had stopped their activities.

‘Not only that, but the police also broke our fencing and deployed extra policemen there,’ he said.

Monday, October 24, 2011

Debate Over Indonesian Religion Bill Heats Up

Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
HOME
Debate Over Indonesian Religion Bill Heats Up
Ulma Haryanto & Anita Rachman | October 24, 2011

Rahmat Rahmadijaya, an Ahmadiyah leader living in Jatibening, Bekasi, has been anxious for a few weeks now.

At first he didn’t want to talk, but he later changed his mind. “If I speak out, maybe I can get people to support us, to pray for us,” he told the Jakarta Globe in a recent interview.

He is anxious because of a decree signed by Bekasi’s acting mayor, Rahmat Effendi, that bans the Muslim minority group from conducting activities that may be interpreted as an effort to spread its beliefs.

The ban went into effect on Oct. 13. Since then, Rahmat and other members of the Ahmadiyah community in his neighborhood have started holding Friday prayers under tight security from Bekasi Police.

“Our second Friday prayers went relatively normally, about 60 people joined in,” said another resident, Abdul Rohim.

“We don’t know about next week, though.”

In Need of a Law?

The fear appears to be justified. Several violent incidents have targeted Ahmadiyah communities throughout the country.

One of the worst — an attack in February by a mob of at least a thousand on an Ahmadi group in Cikeusik that left three members of the sect dead — spurred a discussion over a long-delayed bill on religious harmony.

At the time, the bill was presented by lawmakers as a long-term solution to the religious conflicts plaguing the country and to give a stronger legal basis to joint ministerial decrees that regulate religious matters in the country today.

Last week, Coordinating Minister for People’s Welfare Agung Laksono, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali and Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi reiterated their endorsement of the bill.

“We need a regulation that contains both conflict prevention and solutions to the problems obstructing religious harmony,” Agung said.

The current draft of the bill regulates various religious rights and obligations such as proselytizing, celebrating religious holidays, constructing places of worship, funerals and religious education.

“The original version of the draft, written by the staff of the Religious Affairs Ministry, dated back to 2003,” said Ismail Hasani, a researcher at Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy. “The current draft is more or less the same.”

The bill is part of the 2011 National Legislation Program (Prolegnas), or the list of priority bills for the year, but it has been delayed as the House of Representatives has turned its attention to other bills.

Will It Help?

Setara deputy chairman Bonar Tigor Naipospos, an advocate of pluralism, isn’t looking forward to the religious harmony bill being passed into law.

He said it would only legitimize existing discriminatory regulations within the 1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law and a 2006 joint ministerial decree on places of worship, which has contributed to a number of conflicts.

In Bogor, for instance, Mayor Diani Budiarto has used the ministerial decree to continue to defy a Supreme Court ruling ordering the reopening of the GKI Yasmin Church.

The 2006 joint ministerial decree requires 60 signatures from local residents in support of the construction of a place of worship, but the mayor has claimed that GKI Yasmin forged the signatures.

The tension in Bogor came to a head two weeks ago, when churchgoers and public order officers (Satpol PP) clashed in front of the sealed building.

West Java Police are now investigating complaints filed by both camps against each other. A Satpol PP chief is accusing GKI Yasmin churchgoers of hitting him in the jaw and knocking him unconscious, while the church is countersuing Satpol PP for disrupting its service.

Bonar said the bill would be unhelpful to the cause of the Ahmadiyah as well. “The spirit of the law that condemns their belief, the 1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law, is still incorporated in the bill,” he said.

Fears and Worries

Abdul Kadir Karding, chairman of House Commission VIII, which oversees social affairs, urged the public to think positively about what the lawmakers in the commission were doing.

He said the House wanted to give protection to minorities.

“For instance, when there is a non-Muslim person living in a Muslim community, he or she has the right to use the same public cemetery like the majority,” he said. “In the Cikeusik case, we want this future law to ensure that the guilty will get punished.”

Activists were outraged that most of the 12 people convicted in the Cikeusik attack were sentenced to just six months in jail — the same sentence given to one of the Ahmadi victims convicted of violent assault and disobeying police officers who had ordered him and about a dozen other Ahmadis to evacuate ahead of the attack.

Karding acknowledges that unless the bill is carefully constructed, it risks becoming a tool for “hard-line groups to limit freedom of religion.”

Fajar Riza Ul Haq, executive director of the Maarif Institute, asked the House to be more open in the drafting and deliberation.

He said it should learn from the recently passed Intelligence Law, when both the House and government ignored public criticism.

One critical point, he said, was how the House would define “harmony” in the bill. “They should have drafted a religious freedom bill instead of this one.”

Harmony vs Freedom

Harmony, for instance, could be used to justify the recently issued Bekasi ban on the Ahmadiyah’s activities, which states the ban is needed to “preserve and maintain the stability of conduciveness and security, peace and order in Bekasi.”

Bonar views the religious harmony bill as the “middle way” after the Constitutional Court rejected a judicial review of the 1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law.

“Because even though the court rejected the request because the law itself is not unconstitutional, it stated in its ruling that a revision or an update of the law was needed,” Bonar said.

“Principally, we can’t agree with the law since it reflects the fact that this government thinks religious harmony is something that should be engineered, rather than grow naturally.”

If the government really wanted “harmony,” Fajar said it should start addressing the prevalence of hate speech.

In Jatibening, just before the ban on the Ahmadiyah was issued, members of the notorious hard-line group Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) were in the area.

“They came to Jatibening and intimidated people, telling us to shut down our mosque about three weeks ago,” Rahmat said.

Additional reporting by Vento Saudale

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/debate-over...up/473591

Friday, October 14, 2011

New Religion Law Will Help: Minister

Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
NEWS
New Religion Law Will Help: Minister
Camelia Pasandaran & Antara | October 14, 2011

A proposal for a new law on religious issues that may soon make its way to the House of Representatives has been welcomed by some, but others warn that it may restrict religious freedom.

Ministers have responded to a perceived rise in radicalism and religious intolerance by announcing that a new “bill on religious harmony” is being discussed.

According to Agung Laksono, coordinating minister for people’s welfare, the bill, which was suggested after a meeting between Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali and Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi, would “legislate for better religious understanding on the ground.” He added that the bill was intended to head off potential sectarian conflicts, which have been on the rise.

“To maintain harmony, we need a regulation that contains both conflict prevention and solutions to the problems obstructing religious harmony,” he said.

While Agung said that discussions were at an early stage, another lawmaker, Abdul Kadir Karding, chairman of House Commission VIII, which oversees social affairs, said the bill had been on the table for some time.

Karding warned that unless the bill was carefully constructed, it would become a tool of “hard-line groups to limit freedom of religion.”

He said that current laws have led to violence against religious groups not recognized by the government, citing the cases of the Tegal in Central Java, the dismantling of a Buddha statue in North Sumatra, attacks on the minority Ahmadiyah sect and intimidation of Christians in Bogor.

Friday, September 16, 2011

EDITORIAL: Religious freedom in Pakistan

Daily Times, Pakistan
Friday,
September 16, 2011

EDITORIAL: Religious freedom in Pakistan

US Department of State’s July-December, 2010 International Religious Freedom Report has documented “major developments with respect to religious freedom in 198 countries and territories”. The report placed China, Eritrea, Iran, Myanmar, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Uzbekistan as “countries of particular concern” regarding religious freedom while 10 other countries, including Pakistan, were cited for failing to sufficiently protect religious rights. The report has raised important points regarding our country. On Pakistan, it says: “The government did not reform a blasphemy law that had been used to prosecute those who belong to religious minorities, and in some cases Muslims who promote tolerance. The government also used provisions of the penal code to prevent Ahmedis from practicing their religion. Members of other Islamic sects, Christians, Sikhs, and Hindus also reported governmental and societal discrimination…The government of Pakistan rarely prosecuted perpetrators of extremist attacks, deepening the climate of impunity.”

When late Governor Salmaan Taseer raised the issue of amending the blasphemy laws, he was silenced by a fanatic’s bullets. With Mr Taseer’s death, the issue of blasphemy laws also died a silent death. Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti was the second victim of the religious fanatics who opposed anyone challenging the flawed blasphemy laws. These laws have been used to settle petty feuds, personal rivalries, property disputes, etc, both against the Muslims and non-Muslims by people with vested interests. Many Islamic scholars are of the opinion that Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are man-made and thus can be changed since they are not based on Islamic teachings. Unfortunately, anybody who dares to challenge the veracity of these laws as per Islamic jurisprudence are threatened, harassed and/or killed. The government has, by the looks of it, given up on any debate regarding the blasphemy laws in view of two publicised killings of politicians this year — Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer and federal Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti. Blasphemy laws are not the only flawed laws present in Pakistan’s statute books. General Ziaul Haq might not have been responsible for declaring the Ahmedis non-Muslims but the laws promulgated under his command banning the Ahmedis from practicing their religion openly led to the persecution of the Ahmediyya community. The hate campaign against the Ahmedis continues to date. Just this year, Tehrik-e-Tahafuz-e-Khatm-e-Nabuwat took out pamphlets openly inciting violence against the Ahmedis in Punjab. It has led to various attacks on Ahmedi citizens resulting in the deaths. So far, the Punjab government has not just failed to nab the culprits but it has also turned a blind eye to such hate-mongering campaigns in the province. Sectarian violence is rampant all over Pakistan. Many Shias have lost their lives at the hands of banned sectarian outfits like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). These outfits have the overt and covert support of our intelligence agencies, which is why no action has been taken against them either. Christians, Hindus and Sikhs do not feel safe in this hostile environment. Religious minorities are treated worse than second-class citizens in our country.

There are many reasons for religious intolerance in Pakistan. Madrassas, jihadi organisations, textbooks with distorted history, sermons by illiterate and intolerance clerics, etc, are but a few reasons why Pakistan remains one of the most intolerant societies worldwide. The government must bring about educational reforms and close down religions seminaries or at least bring them into the mainstream. Hate literature should be banned. The military’s flawed policies of supporting sectarian outfits and other religious organisations must come to an end apart from making Pakistan’s constitution secular in letter and spirit. *

Friday, July 15, 2011

In Ahmadis’s desert city, Pakistan closes in

Reuters, USA
Edition US
In Ahmadis’s desert city, Pakistan closes in
Rabwah
By Myra MacDonald
RABWAH, Pakistan | Fri Jul 15, 2011 9:04am EDT
(Reuters) — At the office of what claims to be one of Pakistan’s oldest newspapers, workers scan copy for words it is not allowed to use – words like Muslim and Islam.

“The government is constantly monitoring this publication to make sure none of these words are published,” explains our guide during a visit to the offices of al Fazl, the newspaper of the Ahmadiyya sect in Pakistan.

This is Rabwah, the town the Ahmadis built when they fled the killings of Muslims in India at Partition in 1947, and believing themselves guided by God, chose a barren stretch of land where they hoped to make the Punjab desert bloom.

Affluent and well-educated, they started out camping in tents and mud huts near the river and the railway line.

Now they have a town of some 60,000 people, a jumble of one- and two-storey buildings, along with an Olympic size swimming pool, a fire service and a world class heart institute.

Yet declared by the state in the 1970s to be non-Muslims, they face increasing threats of violence across Pakistan as the country strained by a weakening economy, an Islamist insurgency and internecine political feuds, fractures down sectarian and ethnic lines.

“The situation is getting worse and worse,” says Mirza Khurshid Ahmed, amir of the Ahmadi community in Pakistan. “The level of religious intolerance has increased considerably during the last 10 years.”

The town, renamed Chenabnagar by the state government since “Rabwah” comes from a verse in the Koran, is now retreating behind high walls and razor wire, awaiting the suicide bombers and fedayeen gunmen who police tell them are plotting attacks.

Last May, 86 people were killed in two Ahmadi mosques in Lahore, capital of Punjab; others were attacked elsewhere in the province. Many fled to Rabwah where the community gives them cheap housing and financial support.

Among them is 15-year-old Iqra from Narewal, whose shopkeeper father was stabbed to death last year as the family slept. “I was sleeping in another room when my father was attacked,” she begins in a small voice, pulling a black scarf across her face to cover her mouth in the style of Ahmadi women.

“The attacker wanted to kill all the Ahmadis in Narewal,” her brother Zeeshan continues. “My elder brother tried to help my father and he was stabbed and wounded too.”

Later police found the attacker hiding in a mosque. He had believed the mullahs when they told him that all Ahmadis were “wajib ul qatl”, or deserving of death.

BATTLEGROUND FOR POWER

The Ahmadis follow the teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who in the town of Qadian in late 19th century British India called for a revival of a “true Islam” of peace and justice. His teachings were controversial with Muslims and Christians alike.

He argued that Jesus did not die on the cross but escaped and travelled to India and was buried in Kashmir. And he claimed to be the metaphorical second coming of Jesus, destined to put Muslims back on the true path.

Many Muslims were offended by the suggestion he had come as a prophet, breaching a basic tenet of Islam that there can be no prophet after Mohammad, whose teachings are believed to be based literally on the word of God, perfect and therefore final.

Yet his call for peace, hard work, temperance, education and strong community bonds resonated, and over the years the proselytizing movement acquired millions of followers worldwide.

At home, however, their history has been intimately bound up in Pakistan’s own descent from its relatively optimistic birth.

Lacking a coherent national identity, it has become a battleground for competing political, religious and ethnic groups seeking power by attacking others.

“The mistake of the Ahmadis was that they showed their political strength,” said an Ahmadi businessman in Lahore.

Better education he said, meant they obtained good positions in the army and civil service at first; strong community bonds made them an influential force in politics up to the 1970s.

But they also made an easy target for the religious right who could whip up anti-Ahmadi sentiment for political gain.

Ahmadis follow two different schools of thinking, but will argue, often with detailed references to the Koran in both Arabic and English, that they do not dispute the finality of the Prophet Mohammad. Their erudite theological arguments, however, had little chance against the power of the street.

After anti-Ahmadi violence, they were declared non-Muslims in 1974. In the 1980s, their humiliation was completed when legal provisions barred them from associating themselves with Islam, for example by using the call to prayer or naming their place of worship a “masjid” or mosque.

“You can say you don’t consider me to be a Muslim but you can’t force me to also say I am not a Muslim,” complains Ahmed, the amir, the pain clear in his voice.

Yet in the newspaper office in Rabwah, a white board displays the words they are not allowed to use – they could be accused of blasphemy, which carries the death penalty.

SPREADING TO OTHER SECTS

Many Pakistanis, if you ask about treatment of the Ahmadis, shrug it off – it’s an old story, they say, dredged up by westerners who do not appreciate the importance of the finality of the Prophet.

Yet there are signs the attitudes first directed toward Ahmadis are spreading to other sects. In a country which is majority Sunni, and where insurgents follow Sunni Islam, Shi’ites and even Sufi shrines have been bombed.

A 2010 study by Pakistani analyst Ayesha Siddiqa of students in elite colleges found that while 60 percent said the government was right to declare Ahmadis non-Muslims, a sizeable 18 percent believed Shi’ites were also non-Muslims.

These and other findings led her to conclude that radicalism was growing even among the educated youth – it is often, wrongly, blamed on poverty – which in its extreme form could lead people into violence.

Their tendency, she wrote, to see different groups with an unquestioned bias, she wrote, “especially coated with religious overtones or padded with religious belief prepares the mind to accept the message from militant organizations.”

In the nearest town to Rabwah, the central square as been renamed “Khatme Nubuwwat” Chowk, meaning the finality of the Prophet. Beyond, low jagged hills spike up above the dusty land, the summits of much bigger rock formations below the surface.

Many of the Ahmadis had been active supporters of the movement which created Pakistan and when they first came here they were inspired by a verse in the Koran, describing “an elevated land of green valleys and springs of running water.”

Now they are surrounded by a very different country.

Rabwah itself is open to the outside world – despite the high walls guarding individual houses, it is not a walled town.

“Under the circumstances we try to take the best measures we can to protect ourselves,” says the amir. “But what we can do is very limited. We don’t have a mindset or training for that.

And in any case, he adds, “How many people can leave Pakistan or Rabwah?“

Monday, March 28, 2011

‘Wise’ politicians key to religious toleranc

NATIONAL
Mon, 03/28/2011
2:16 AM
‘Wise’ politicians key to religious tolerance
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Indonesia needs wise politicians to encourage Indonesians to refrain from committing acts of religious intolerance, an expert on religion says.

“The attacks on the minority sect Ahmadiyah is the perfect illustration of a modern nation state where someone has decided to impose their beliefs on the whole nation,” James W. Morris, professor of theology at Boston College in the US, said during the international seminar on Anthropology of transcendent philosophy in Jakarta.

“The politics in the United States is exactly the Indonesian equivalent of these Republican politicians in America,” he added, referring to a recent debate on a plan to construct an Islamic center near ground zero in New York City, which in his opinion was deliberately raised to attack US President Barack Obama’s administration.

“One certain political party wants to pick an issue like this and use a minority sect as a scapegoat for political purposes, the result is horrifying,” he said on Saturday.

That is why, he continued, “if you don’t have wise politicians you’ll end up with civil war.”

James, who wrote the book, Orientations: Islamic Thought in a World Civilization, said that Islam had been historically and traditionally tolerant.

“Classical thinkers like [Jalaluddin] Rumi represent the more universal Islamic traditions which are tolerant, inclusive, diverse and creative. One of the core principals in the Koran and hadith is you can’t force people to adopt the practice of religion.”

Practical solutions like education are also required, he said.

It takes efforts from not only the government but also Islamic scholars and teachers who know the meaning of Arabic, understand the Koran and the hadith and explain to other people to think for themselves, not to see it as an ideology.

Seyyed Ahmad Fazelli, director of Islamic College Jakarta, agreed, adding that, “to give freedom for people to think is to give them a free way to express their rationality”.

James also emphasized that the purpose of educating people was to help them make the connection between the issues that human beings faced today. Poetry, art, music, social organizations, schools provide the connection, he went on.

“Understanding allows Muslims to agree to disagree. Once intolerance grows, it will become a disease that will destroy the society,” he said. (swd)

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/28/%E2%80%98...

Tuesday, March 15, 2011

Explosion hits office of liberal Indonesian Islamic group

Reuters Blogs, USA
Explosion hits office of liberal Indonesian Islamic group
JAKARTA | Tue Mar 15, 2011 6:12pm IST

(Reuters) — A small explosion on Tuesday hit the Jakarta office of the Liberal Islamic Network, an Indonesian group that has defended the rights of minority Islamic sect Ahmadi, a witness said.

The explosion, which injured three people, comes a month after a mob beat to death three followers of the Ahmadi sect, considered heretical by mainstream Muslims.

Indonesia has won praise for largely defeating Islamic terror, but a recent spike in religious intolerance could heighten risk concerns for foreign investors counting on improved stability in Southeast Asia’s largest economy and the world’s most populous Muslim nation.

Ade Wahyudi, a manager at KBR68H radio that shares the office with the pluralist Liberal Islamic Network, said the office had called police to open a package that contained a book with wires sticking out of it. The police officer who opened the package was among the injured.

“I was on a different room, upstairs, and heard a bang, like thunder,” Wahyudi told Reuters by telephone.

Indonesian authorities have said they are investigating last month’s brutal mob killing, but human rights activists say authorities have not taken a strong stance against attacks on Ahmadis in the past.

Rights activists and several parliamentarians said on Tuesday that military personnel in western Java island recently summoned Ahmadi leaders to identify Ahmadi followers in their area and asked them to return to mainstream Islam.

“This goes to show a strengthening movement in government institutions trying to persecute Ahmadis. This is a worrying turn,” said Haris Azhar of local rights group Kontras.

Military leaders denied the allegations of attempts at forced conversions.

Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the parliamentary legal commission from opposition party PDI-P, said the government should clarify the “disturbing” reports.

“It’s deeply concerning. It reminds us of the past when the military was meddling into local politics and public order,” she told Reuters by telephone.

(Reporting by Olivia Rondonuwu; Editing by Neil Chatterjee)

Saturday, March 12, 2011

Communities join to combat violence

CITY
Sat, 03/12/2011
1:12 PM
Communities join to combat violence
Bagus BT Saragih and Irawaty Wardany, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Without using the government’s repressive tactics for handling sectarian violence, some community groups are joining hands to promote a pluralist and humanistic face for religions in the country.

“We can see that the government has been ignorant in handling cases of religious violence that have frequently occurred in this country recently, therefore we are making our own way by working with other moderate groups in society to improve conditions,” Moderate Muslim Society chair Zuhairi Miswari told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

He said they were working together to promote the peaceful and humanistic face of religion by participating in various anti-violence dialogues with religious communities in the city.

Aside from promoting understanding through interreligious dialogues, the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP) is also reflecting this principle by allowing people from any religion to join them.

“Anyone from any religion can join us because religion is something related to somebody’s freedom to make a choice,” ICRP general secretary Johannes Hariyanto said.

He said people in the ICRP considered religion basically a personal choice and not something somebody is born with, which cannot be changed.

Both Zuhairi and Johannes regretted the actions of some who have perpetuated violence in the name of religion.

“They are not only violating the law but also the constitution. Unfortunately those violations are justified by some laws and decrees,” Johannes said.

He was referring to regional regulations and bylaws, the 1965 Blasphemy Law and the 2008 joint ministerial decree banning members of Ahmadiyah in Indonesia from propagating their religious beliefs, but which allowed them to maintain their faith and perform their daily religious duties.

“Any efforts to bar Ahmadiyah followers from performing their rituals are against not only the 1945 Constitution but also a number of laws,” Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) coordinator Haris Azhar said Friday.

He cited Article 28 of the Constitution, which guarantees every citizen religious rights.

Regulations made by provincial, regency and city administrations can be reviewed by the Supreme Court if they are considered out of line with higher regulations or laws.

As of March 2011, 12 local administrations have issued regulations banning Ahmadis from practicing their religion. The latest regions include East Java province, West Java province, South Sumatra province, Pandeglang regency and Samarinda municipality.

One province where religious violence has frequently occurred is West Java province.

On Friday, another assault of Ahmadis took place in Ciaruteun, Bogor, when hundreds of people suddenly attacked four homes of Ahmadiyah members.

According to Ahmadi spokesman Firdaus Mubarik, hundreds of people, including the perpetrators of Cisalada incident that took place in November of last year, suddenly ran over an Ahmadi after a provocative Friday sermon at the local mushollah (small mosque).

Fortunately, no casualties occurred during the incident, and the police took six people into custody.

That incident was only one in a series of violence in the name of religion, including the brutal murder of three Ahmadis in Cikeusik, Banten, last month.

Zuhairi blamed the joint ministerial decree, saying it was a “license to kill” for people who opposed Ahmadiyah. “The joint decree plus its derivatives became justification for [people] to do violence towards Ahmadis”.

According to the Center for Legal and Policy Studies (PSHK), most of the local bans on Ahmadiyah were made based on the 1965 Blasphemy Law. A number of NGOs filed a judicial review with the Constitutional Court last year to challenge that law. But, the court rejected the request and upheld the law

“The law is already too old and no longer in line with the current situation,” Fajri Nursyamsi from the PSHK said.

Therefore, Fajri urged the government and the House of Representatives to speed up deliberations of the religious tolerance bill. “The bill can accommodate more relevant situations and replace the old blasphemy law,” he said.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/12/communities...

Does SBY have the guts to ban violent groups?

OPINION
Sat, 03/12/2011
1:03 PM
Does SBY have the guts to ban violent groups?
Pandaya, Jakarta
It looked like there would be a showdown when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono promised to ban violent organizations and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) — the obvious intended target — retorted that it would start a revolution if the President failed to meet their demands that Ahmadiyah be dissolved by March 1.

The timing of the war of words has never been more critical, occurring only a few days after violent hard-line Muslims stormed an Ahmadi residence in Cikeusik, Banten, and killed three people and others attacked three churches in Temanggung, Central Java.

But, as of today, the President has yet to do anything to make good on his promise, which received mixed reactions from the weary public. It could be just another bluff given that he has made the same threat at least three times since 2006.

But, the FPI has not done anything yet either, apart from a small street demonstration it jointly organized with other radical Muslim groups like the Muslims Forum and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia in Jakarta late last month.

In numerous interviews with the media, FPI leaders promised to topple President Yudhoyono should he refuse to ban Ahmadiyah, the way the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia thrashed the authoritarian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

In fact, the whole affair has only revealed how weak Yudhoyono’s government is.

When addressing the National Press Day celebration on Feb. 9, SBY ordered his aides to ban violent organizations.

But, none of his most authoritative aides: Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali, Attorney General Basrif Arief and National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo seemed to heed his orders.

Instead, Gamawan hosted a meeting with top leaders of the notorious FPI at his office on Feb. 16, exactly a week after Yudhoyono made his threat. Smiling broadly, Gamawan told waiting journalists that he and FPI leaders Habib Rizieq and Munarman exchanged opinions on how deal with Ahmadiyah.

Meanwhile, Suryadharma has been busy blaming the Ahmadis for the Cikeusik tragedy and wanting to ban Ahmadiyah entirely.

Even more mind boggling, the Attorney General’s Office spokesperson Marwan Effendi lauded local governments that caved in to radical demands and banned Ahmadiyah in their areas.

Yudhoyono has not made any comments on these glaring insubordinations. What has happened is that more regencies and cities are toying with the idea of banning Ahmadiyah in the name of regional autonomy.

Gamawan, like Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali, is known for his anti-Ahmadiyah stance. Along with then attorney general Hendarman Supandji, they issued a joint decree banning Ahmadis from conducting religious activities outside their community. When Gamawan was the governor of West Sumatra, he was one of the regional heads who introduced the controversial sharia-inspired morality bylaws.

Ahmadiyah followers have suffered from discrimination and physical attacks since the Indonesian Ulema Council called the cult heretical in a 1980 fatwa and reaffirmed it in 2005.

For hard-liners, the controversial decree has become a license to bully Ahmadis with the tacit support of the local police and government bureaucrats. They vow there will be no peace until Yudhoyono formally bans Ahmadiyah, which they consider heretical because it does not recognize the Islamic orthodoxy that Muhammad is the last prophet.

Interestingly, while Yudhoyono has yet to prove he was not bluffing, such provinces as Banten, East Java, West Java, Lampung and South Kalimantan have boldly announced that they have banned Ahmadiyah.

This is a worrying development that can give way to more cases of violence against Ahmadis, whose numbers are estimated at 200,000, living in enclaves across the archipelago.

Yudhoyono’s inaction in banning violent vigilante groups as he promised to do has given added credence to the perception that he is afraid of the small but noisy hard-line groups.

It has also left many wondering if violent radicals are enjoying the backing of some extremely powerful but corrupt individuals in the police, military, political parties or interest groups who are using terror for their personal or institutional interests.

Yudhoyono has mishandled the FPI’s threat to topple him like the Tunisians did with their despot. He was ridiculed when his spokesperson Julian A. Pasha promised to take measures against the FPI.

His critics argue that the President should have ignored the FPI threat because the group is just too small to make an impact politically, because moderate majority Muslims do not share its brand of Islam. His overreaction has made it as if the FPI were so important that mainstream politics has to reckon with it.

Political analyst Hermawan Sulistyo says the FPI, which has only a few thousand members, has no financial and human resources to mobilize the masses for a revolution as it brags that it has.

To start a revolution it would need at least 100,000 people militant enough to demonstrate for at least four weeks, which would also require a lot of money, he says.

Hermawan may be right. The gargantuan anti-Yudhoyono demonstrations that the FPI promised have not manifested. And, Yudhoyono seems to have forgotten his threat as well, for pressing new issues keep arising.

This whole political comedy should not distract Yudhoyono from the real issue: protecting minorities and punishing people who break the law, not banning organizations, as the right to organize is guaranteed by the Constitution.

The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/12/does-sby...groups.html

Friday, March 11, 2011

Bogor Mob Attacks Ahmadi Homes After Noon Prayers

Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
HOME
Bogor Mob Attacks Ahmadi Homes After Noon Prayers
Elisabeth Oktofani, Zaky Pawas & Ulma Haryanto
| March 11, 2011

Bogor. Members of the beleaguered Ahmadiyah sect came under attack again on Friday when a mob vandalized four of their homes, prompting warnings by rights groups that the persecution of the group was worsening.

The attack on the houses in Ciaruteun Udik village, Cibungbulang subdistrict, took place after Friday noon prayers.

Bogor Police Chief Sr. Comr. Dadang Rahardjo said the incident occurred when a group of seven Ahmadis, two of them women, were conducting noon prayers at the home of an Ahmadi elder, Dayat.

He said other residents grew suspicious of the activity and, soon after noon prayers at the mosque, began gathering outside the house and hurling rocks at it.

“There were about 50 to 75 people, presumably locals,” Dadang said. “They destroyed parts of the roofs and windows of four houses.” He added no one was injured in the incident and police deployed 160 personnel to restore order. However, no arrests were made.

Dadang refused to call the incident an attack, insisting it was merely a case of “rock throwing.”

“There was no attack, it was just some villagers throwing stones at the houses of Ahmadiyah followers,” he said. “Not so many Ahmadis lived there, maybe around 10 people,” he added.

However, Firdaus Mubarik, an Ahmadiyah activist, said he had received a report that the local mosque had issued a call for residents to “damage the Ahmadis.”

“And it wasn’t limited to throwing rocks at the houses,” he said. “Some people reported they were chased by the attackers.”

Firdaus said the Ahmadiyah mosque in Ciaruteun Udik had previously been destroyed by locals in 2005, forcing the members of the minority Islamic sect to worship at home. “The houses of Ahmadis that are located near the main road are also often pelted with rocks,” he said.

Ciaruteun Udik is located two kilometers from Cisalada village in Ciampea subdistrict, where the homes and mosque of a community of 600 Ahmadis were attacked last October.

Ismail Hasani, a researcher from the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said it was regrettable the police had refused to recognize the attack as yet another incident of persecution against Ahmadiyah.

“Rock throwing is an attack and should not be ignored,” he said. “During the Cisalada incident, the police also called it a clash.” He said the Ciaruteun Udik incident was a consequence of the anti-Ahmadiyah bylaws implemented in West Java.

“We fear this is going to get worse,” he said.

Nurkholis Hidayat, executive director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), also lambasted the attack.

“People will interpret such bylaws as a prohibition of any Ahmadiyah activity,” he said.

“This is an invitation to attack the Ahmadis, whatever they do.”

Last week an unidentified group of people exhumed the body of an Ahmadi in Bandung and left it abandoned in the graveyard shortly after his burial.

West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan this month announced he had issued a decree banning the activities of the sect in the province, following a similar move by the authorities in East Java to ban Ahmadiyah from openly displaying its attributes or spreading its faith.

NGOs suggest reviews on Ahmadiyah bans

NATIONAL
Fri, 03/11/2011
9:50 PM
NGOs suggest reviews on Ahmadiyah bans
Bagus BT Saragih, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
A number of NGOs concerned with human rights suggested Friday that civil society file a legal lawsuit and judicial reviews against regulations and decrees issued by local leaders banning Ahmadiyah.

“Any efforts to ban Ahmadiyah followers from conducting their rituals are against, not only the 1945 Constitution, but also a number of laws,” Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violences (Kontras) coordinator Haris Azhar told a press conference.

He cited Article 28 of the Constitution, which guarantees every citizens’ religious rights.

Regulations made by provincial, regency and city administrations can be reviewed by the Supreme Court if considered not in line with higher regulations or laws.

Regulations in the form of decrees made governors, regents or mayors can be annulled by the State Administrative Court in all cities as well as regental and provincial capitals.

As of March 2011, there are 12 local administrations which have issued regulations banning Ahmadiyah, according to NGOs. The latest regions include East Java province, West Java province, South Sumatra province, Pandeglang regency and Samarinda municipality.

A number of laws considered as assurance for Ahmadiyah to exist in Indonesia included the 1999 Law on Human Rights and the 2006 Law on the Ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Fajri Nursyamsi from the Center for Legal and Policy Studies said.

Most of the local bans on Ahmadiyah were made based on the 1965 Blasphemy Law, he said. “The law is already too old and no longer in line with the current situation.

Last year, a number of NGOs filed a judicial review with the Constitutional Court to challenge the 1965 Law. The court, however, rejected the request and upheld the law.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/11/ngos-suggest-reviews...

Antagonizing religious minorities

OPINION
Fri, 03/11/2011
9:25 PM
Antagonizing religious minorities
Endy M. Bayuni, Asia Pacific Bulletin, Washington
Blasphemy can be a deadly affair in Indonesia and Pakistan, two of Asia’s largest Muslim-majority countries. Triggered by allegations of blasphemy, virulent mob attacks against those perceived to have offended Islam have rocked the two countries in recent months.

While Indonesia and Pakistan have laws that specifically address issues of blasphemy, those unfortunate enough to be labeled blasphemers are rarely taken to court. Encouraged by, if not with tacit approval from, conservative Muslim leaders, Indonesian and Pakistani mobs have been taking the law into their own hands instead.

On Feb. 5, three Indonesian adherents of Ahmadiyah, a sect with origins in 19th-century British India and considered heretical by many Muslims, were killed when a mob raided their house in Pandeglang, a town in Banten province to the southwest of Jakarta.

This was the deadliest attack yet on the sect — which has 200,000 to 500,000 followers in Indonesia — that subscribes to most of the tenets of Islam but recognizes its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, as a prophet. Sunni Muslims, the great majority of Indonesians, believe that Muhammad is the last prophet, and any claim to the contrary is considered offensive to Islam and thus blasphemous.

Under great pressure from Muslim conservative groups, the Indonesian government has been trying to persuade — to no avail — Ahmadis, followers of Ahmadiyah, to cease all “deviant” religious activities and “return to the right path,” or at the very least drop their claim to being Muslims. This is the gist of a 2008 joint decree signed by Indonesia’s Minister of Religious Affairs, Minister of Home Affairs, and Attorney General.

Deriving its legal basis from an anti-blasphemy law originally promulgated in 1965, the joint decree also enjoins that Muslims refrain from attacking Ahmadis. As Ahmadis refused to obey the joint decree, conservative Muslim groups have grown impatient and attacks on Ahmadis have become more frequent and more violent. A YouTube video of the Feb. 5 raid shows frenzied attackers beating an Ahmadi to death while shouting “God is great” in — or perhaps because of — the presence of unstirred police officers.

Two days later, with Indonesia still in shock after the brutal attack on the Ahmadis, another mob vandalized several churches in Temanggung, a town in Central Java. The trigger this time was a district court’s ostensibly insufficiently harsh conviction of a man charged with insulting Islam through the leaflets he had produced and circulated around town.

Antonius Richmond Bawengan had received the maximum sentence of five years under the anti-blasphemy law, but the crowd amassing in court to hear the verdict demanded nothing less than the death penalty. That Bawengan’s leaflets also insulted Christianity mattered little to the mostly Muslim crowd. More disturbingly, attacks on Christian churches and schools have become more frequent under many pretexts, blasphemous or otherwise.

In Pakistan, two top government officials have been assassinated in the last two months for speaking out against the anti-blasphemy law, apparently a capital offense. On March 2, Federal Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, a Christian and a member of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, was shot in Islamabad by unidentified gunmen as he left home for work.

No one has claimed responsibility for the attack, although Bhatti had said before his death that he had received many death threats. There was no doubt about who killed Salman Taseer, the governor of the Punjab, on Jan. 3: his own bodyguard.

Instead of widespread handwringing, reports from Pakistan immediately after the murder described massive rallies of Muslim conservatives who endorse the murder. Both men spoke in defense of Asiya Bibi, a Christian farmer who was sentenced to death for insulting prophet Muhammad and is awaiting execution.

Although the anti-blasphemy law has been part of the criminal code since the creation of Pakistan, the death penalty was introduced in 1984 as an addition to life imprisonment for offenses that amount to insulting Islam, the Koran, and Prophet Muhammad. Only in 1992 did capital punishment become mandatory for those specific offenses.

Nevertheless, while no execution has taken place in Pakistan under the anti-blasphemy law, extrajudicial killings of over 30 people presumed guilty of those offenses by angry individuals or mobs have occurred. According to the Asian Human Rights Commission, at least 1,030 people had also been charged for blasphemy in Pakistan since 1986. The fatalities figures exclude Ahmadis who, as in Indonesia, have been the target of recurrent violent attacks. In May 2010, a mob massacred 86 Ahmadis in a Lahore mosque after Friday prayers.

Furthermore, Pakistan has declared Ahmadis to be non-Muslims and continued to let violent persecution of the sect persist. This is little comfort for Indonesian Ahmadis who are under pressure to drop their claim to being Muslims.

In light of these recent events, there is little hope of seeing the anti-blasphemy laws in Indonesia and Pakistan repealed any time soon. On the contrary, both governments are under growing pressure from conservative Muslim groups to deal even more harshly with religious minorities that are perceived to offend Islam and with any effort to alter the legal status quo.

Presiding over a precarious coalition government, Pakistani Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani has ruled out repealing the anti-blasphemy law, and Sherry Rehman, a coalition politician whose bill would repeal the law, has been told to withdraw the offending bill. In Indonesia, the Constitutional Court rejected by a majority decision a petition to have the 1965 anti-blasphemy law annulled in April 2010.

The anti-blasphemy law’s increasing use in the two countries is a reflection of the growing political clout of conservative Muslim organizations, and religious minorities are increasingly finding themselves at the wrong end of the law. The Ahmadis are the most vulnerable because their belief itself is considered blasphemous by the majority Muslims.

At a time of increasing religious intolerance, conservative Muslims may construe any indication of slight by members of other religious minorities, Christians in particular, to be a blasphemous offense. A relative absence of government intervention in cases of violent vigilantism, a judiciary unwilling to stand up for the defense of minority rights, and a legislature swayed by conservative Muslim leaders cannot but undermine the underpinnings of the state.

Leaders of Indonesia and Pakistan should know what to do: the Indonesian and Pakistani constitutions do provide for, respectively, religious freedom and the protection for citizens to practice their faith, and the protection of the rights of religious minorities.

Indonesia and Pakistan support the resolution on “the defamation of religions” at the UN Human Rights Council. Each year, the Council votes on the resolution, which is proposed by Pakistan on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Congress, to address concerns about the rise of Islamophobia around the world. Looking at recent events, Indonesia and Pakistan have a far bigger problem at home than Islamophobia.

The writer is visiting fellow at the East-West Center in Washington and formerly editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/11/antagonizing...

Wednesday, March 9, 2011

No Politics In Push to Protect the Ahmadiyah: Churches

Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
NEWS
No Politics In Push to Protect the Ahmadiyah: Churches
Dessy Sagita | March 09, 2011

Christian leaders recently lambasted by Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam for “politicizing” violence against the Ahmadiyah have defended their position as proponents of diversity.

Benny Susetyo, from the Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI) said at a press conference on Tuesday that he had done nothing wrong in calling for all religious groups to be protected against violence.

“I’ve been victimized here, I haven’t once said anything about the theology of Ahmadiyah or Islam,” he said. “I merely stated that the government should protect everyone, including minority groups, regardless of their beliefs.”

Dipo warned on Sunday against “politicizing” the violence targeted at the minority Islamic sect because of the potential to “create communal conflicts.”

He also said religious leaders needed to help maintain peace and tolerance in society, and accused Benny, whom he labeled an Ahmadiyah supporter, of interfering in Islamic affairs.

Gomar Gultom, secretary general of the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI), also said the country’s leading religious scholars had never discussed their stance toward the Ahmadiyah, let alone issued a public statement on the matter.

“We just want to remind [the public] that the country is a constitutional republic and should not bow down to any pressure from majority groups or religions,” Gomar said.

Salahuddin Wahid from Nahdlatul Ulama, the country’s largest Islamic organization, said that from an Islamic perspective, Ahmadiyah’s beliefs were wrong.

However, he said disbanding the sect simply because of public pressure would only set an unhealthy precedent for the country’s developing democracy.

“If any organization insists the Ahmadiyah are deviant, it should take the problem to the courts to decide whether the sect really is blaspheming against Islam,” Salahuddin said.

Franz Magnis Suseno, a Catholic priest and theologian, said he had advised Dipo to take a break to prevent him making controversial statements that could create a rift in Indonesian society.

“I understand that Dipo feels it’s important to defend President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, but it doesn’t have to be said in such a counter-productive way,” he said.

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/no...churches/427526

Priests rebuff claim they politicized attacks on minorities

NATIONAL
Wed, 03/09/2011
11:13 PM
Priests rebuff claim they politicized attacks on minorities
Ina Parlina, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Several interfaith leaders who criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s administration have rebuffed Cabinet secretary Dipo Alam’s accusation that they politicized recent incidents of religious intolerance.

Dipo accused the religious leaders of politicizing incidents of religious persecution, including recent attacks on the Ahmadiyah sect, saying their remarks had inflamed religious intolerance.

He labeled them “black crows” because they were religious leaders who had taken political stances in criticizing Yudhoyono’s leadership.

Some of the interfaith leaders had recently made separate comments about the attacks on Ahmadiyah.

Earlier in January, nine prominent interfaith leaders on several occasions voiced a statement accusing the government of lying to the public about 18 different issues. The lies included a failure to uphold justice in human rights violation cases, protect migrant workers and protect the environment.

One of their accusations was that the government had manipulated statistics on poverty. They claimed the government misled the nation by making false claims that it had achieved success in reducing poverty. The Yudhoyono administration defended its statistics, saying that they had quoted legitimate data from the National Statistics Agency.

Four leaders from the Indonesian Bishops’ Council (KWI), Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI) gathered at the Maarif Institute for Culture and Humanity on Tuesday to respond to Dipo’s statement.

Prominent NU leader Salahuddin Wahid said the group consisted of interfaith leaders who merely wished to point out what was good and bad according to their religions.

“This is not political. Our capacity as religious leaders is sufficient to criticize the government that had failed to ensure religious tolerance in the country,” he told a press conference.

KWI executive secretary Benny Susetyo, a Catholic priest, said he regretted Dipo’s statement. “It’s ironic that such a public official is actually triggering a conflict,” Benny said, referring to Dipo.

Dipo reportedly said that Benny’s comments about the Ahmadiyah issues were inappropriate because he should not have commented about a religion other than his own.

Benny denied the allegation, saying he had not been solely addressing the Ahmadiyah case.

Franz Magnis-Suseno, a Catholic professor said the government must protect its citizens and all groups, including Ahmadiyah, from violence.

PGI secretary-general Gomar Gultom defended Benny, saying that they had never spoken about Ahmadiyah. “Dipo needs to correct his statement because we never discussed the Ahmadiyah incidents,” he said.

Maarif Institute executive director Fajar Riza Ul Haq said Ahmadiyah was not the entire issue. “Any violation against a minority must be addressed seriously by the government. This is our criticism of them,” Fajar said.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/09/priests...minorities.html

Wednesday, October 20, 2010

Fresh attack on Ahmadiyyas

The Daily Star, Bangladesh
Your Right To Know
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
Front Page
Fresh attack on Ahmadiyyas
4 houses vandalised in Tangail
Our Correspondent, Tangail

Two Ahmadiyyas were seriously injured and four houses vandalised in a fresh attack on the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat community by religious bigots in Ghatail upazila of Tangail on Monday afternoon.

The injured, Shamsul Haque Akanda, 60, and his wife Hasna Banu, 50, of Chandtara village of the upazila were taken to Tangail General Hospital. Hasna was shifted to Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH) a few hours later as her conditions became more critical.

“About 12 to 15 extremists led by one Sattar stormed into our house at 5:00pm and attacked us with sharp weapons,” Shamsul Haque told The Daily Star as he lay on his hospital bed.

“They also ransacked three other adjacent houses of our community,” he added.

Mominur Rahman, officer-in-charge of Ghatail Police Station, said Hasan Ali, son of the injured couple, has filed a case in this regard accusing 15 people though none have been arrested so far.

“Additional police personnel have been deployed at the village,” he added.

Earlier, in June and August this year, 20 people were injured and 30 houses including a makeshift mosque were damaged in a series of attacks by the bigots centering construction of an Ahmadiyya mosque in Chandtara village.

Following the attack and looting incidents in August, Khalilur Rahman Akanda, a long-suffering Ahmadiyya of the village, filed a case accusing 56 locals of harassing members of his community.

“Since filing the case, the accused had been threatening the local Ahmadiyyas saying that they will attack us again once they got bail,” said Rubel Hossain Akanda, nephew of the injured couple.

“Of the accused, 55 surrendered in a Tangail court and got bail,” he added.

A section of locals under the banner of “Imam Parishad” have long been campaigning against 40 Ahmadiyya families in the village.

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad founded the movement Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at on March 23, 1889, envisioning it to be a revitalisation of Islam. Ahmadiyyas consider themselves as Muslims and claim to practice Islam in its pristine form.

Tuesday, October 5, 2010

Secularism back

The Daily Star, Bangladesh
Your Right To Know
Tuesday, October 5, 201
Front Page

Secularism back
HC says original constitution automatically restored thru' 5th amendment verdict; nobody can be forced to wear burqa, cap, dhuti
Staff Correspondent

The High Court yesterday ruled that Bangladesh is now a secular state since the original constitution of 1972 has been automatically restored following the Supreme Court judgement on the fifth amendment.

In this secular state, everybody has religious freedom, and therefore no man, woman or child can be forced to wear religious attires like burqa, cap and dhuti, the HC said in a verdict.

But nobody could be prohibited from wearing religious attires if he or she wishes to wear those, it said.

The court also directed the authorities to immediately issue a circular asking all educational institutions not to compel students to wear religious clothes.

A division bench of the HC came up with the judgement after hearing a suo moto rule issued by it on August 22 asking the government to explain why compelling women to wear religious attires should not be declared illegal.

The bench comprised of Justice AHM Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik and Justice Sheikh Md Zakir Hossain had issued the rule following a report published in a Bangla daily with the headline “Rani Bhabani Mohila College: Burqa Na Porle Ashte Mana” (Students of Rani Bhabani Women’s College not wearing veils are barred from entering the campus).

The August 22 report said principal of the college at Natore Mozammel Haque stopped cultural activities and sports at the college, and prohibited students not come to the campus without wearing burqa.

The HC observed that the four state principles including secularism, the main spirit of the Liberation War of the republic, have been re-established since the constitution of 1972 has been restored.

Some military rulers had illegally damaged the constitution of 1972 through martial law regulations, which are not recognised now, the judgement said.

The court directed the government to probe the allegations against the principal and take action.

But he should be kept on suspension during probe, it said.

Earlier, responding to the HC rule, the government had informed the court that it had issued a circular asking the authorities concerned not to compel women students to wear religious attire, and made Mozammel an officer on special duty (OSD).

Mozammel appeared before the HC bench yesterday as per its earlier order.

Secretaries to the ministries of home, education, social welfare and women affairs, and the principal have been made respondents to the court verdict.

SC lawyers Mahbub Shafique and KM Hafizul Alam argued before the court against compulsory wearing of religious attires.

Deputy Attorney General Nazrul Islam Talukder represented the government.

URL: www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=157212

Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Tangail Ahmadiyyas left to live on nerves

The Daily Star, Bangladesh
Your Right To Know
Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Front Page
Threat By Bigots
Tangail Ahmadiyyas left to live on nerves
Mirza Shakil and Rashidul Hasan

Male members of Ahmadiyya Muslim community at Chandtara village under Ghatail upazila of Tangail are afraid to go back in their houses following continuous threats by the religious bigots.

Women and children of some 32 Ahmadiyya families of the village are panic-stricken and living with food crisis and insecurity.

Irate at the move to rebuild an Ahmadiyya mosque in the area, religious bigots allegedly patronised by local BNP and Jamaat leaders vandalised and looted almost all houses of the Ahmadiyyas in a series of attacks on June 17, August 7 and 8 leaving 20 people of the community injured.

Under the banner of “Imam parishad”, a group of locals led by Imam Mufti Nasiruddin of Ghatail upazila parishad mosque has been campaigning against the Ahmadiyyas in the village for long.

Abu Taher Akanda, a member of the community told The Daily Star, “Local bigots hanged sign boards at different places in the village saying Kadianis [Ahmadiyyas] have no iman [faith]. They are infidel. No rickshaw puller should carry them and no shopkeeper should sell any items to them.”

Abu Taher, an Ahmadiyya member, said, “All male members except those who are elderly and sick are afraid to return home since the August 7 attack as they are facing continuous threats from the religious fanatics.”

Lutfar Rahman Akanda, another Ahmadiyya member, said among the male members of his community, only one seriously ill Hasem is now staying in his house while the rest are out.

Hasina Begum, wife of Mohir Uddin Akanda, said she is facing an acute food crisis as the supply of food given by the district administration after the August 8 incident has already run out.

“They [attackers] are giving us threats on phone that they will abduct us,” she said, adding, “We are also passing sleepless nights because of fear.”

Bilkis, wife of Abul Kasem Akanda, said Ahmadiyya women feel insecure as some of the attackers always move around and also peep into their houses at night despite the presence of police.

They alleged that a group of locals led by union parishad member Akbar Hossain attacked them, vandalised and looted their houses.

But Akbar denied this allegation saying, “Ahmadiyyas can say anything as they have no iman (faith) at all.”

Meantime, a four-member Ahmadiyya delegation led by its Missionary-in-Charge Abdul Awal Khan Chowdhury has met Tangail deputy commissioner and acting superintendent of police at their offices.

They sought permanent security for the Ahmadiyya males so that they can return home and live normal lives.

Ahmadiyya chief Awal said the district administration has assured them that necessary security measures will be taken in this regard.

Tangail Deputy Commissioner M Bazlul Karim Chowdhury said Ahmadiyyas could come back to their houses, as normalcy has returned to the village.

 
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