Showing posts with label Habib Rizieq. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Habib Rizieq. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 9, 2011

Ahmadi Killings Put Focus on Tiny Village

Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
NEWS
Ahmadi Killings Put Focus on Tiny Village
Nivell Rayda | February 09, 2011

Just last week, hardly anyone had ever heard of Umbulan village in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Pandeglang - except for a few firebrand clerics. But after the bloody attack here against members of the Ahmadiyah sect on Sunday, which saw three people killed and five others badly injured, the nation has been fixated on news from the village. (Antara Photo)
Just last week, hardly anyone had ever heard of Umbulan village in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Pandeglang — except for a few firebrand clerics. But after the bloody attack here against members of the Ahmadiyah sect on Sunday, which saw three people killed and five others badly injured, the nation has been fixated on news from the village. (Antara Photo)
Pandeglang, Banten. Just last week, hardly anyone had ever heard of Umbulan village in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Pandeglang – except for a few firebrand clerics. But after the bloody attack here against members of the Ahmadiyah sect on Sunday, which saw three people killed and five others badly injured, the nation has been fixated on news from the village.

‘Halal Blood’

Zulkifli, a 21-year-old resident of nearby Malingping town, said he first heard of the little-known village during the anniversary of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) last August.

“The anniversary was celebrated here [in Malingping]. FPI paraded through the city and staged a mass sermon,” he said, pointing to a nearby field.

Zulkifli recounted seeing public officials and senior police officers among the crowd, numbering around 1,000.

“It is halal for the blood of an Ahmadi to be spilled,” he quoted a local cleric named Madzuri, who led the sermon, as saying. “I have received instructions from our leader, Habib Rizieq. Ahmadiyah must be driven out of Banten,” the cleric added.

His words were met with thunderous applause, Zulkifli said. The cleric was referring to FPI leader Rizieq Shihab, who was sentenced for leading an attack against a religious tolerance group in 2008.

The Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), however, was cautious in pointing fingers. “We don’t know if any organization was involved in the attack. We do know that the attackers were well organized.” JAI spokesman Firdaus Mubarik said.

Atep Suratep, an Ahmadiyah member from Umbulan, said similar calls for violence against the sect were reportedly heard during mass sermons in Cibaliung and Menes, also in Banten.

“Even our subdistrict chief [Abdjah] promised the FPI that he would get the Ahmadiyah out of his village shortly after he was inaugurated two years ago,” Atep said.

Proselytizing Claims

Mainstream Muslim groups accuse Ahmadiyah members of heresy, saying that they profess their founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, to be the final prophet of Islam — a tenet that runs directly against Islamic beliefs that reserve that claim for Muhammad.

The accusation is disputed by the Ahmadiyah community, but this claim is largely behind the 2008 joint ministerial decree banning Ahmadiyah members from spreading its faith.

Atep said the Umbulan Ahmadis were once summoned to the district chief’s office where they were accused of violating the ministerial decree.

“We have been following every article in the decree. We did not actively spread our faith. All we did is pray with other Ahmadis, nothing more,” he said.

Ahmadiyah roots in the village date back to 1994, when Ismail Suparman became the first and only Ahmadi in Umbulan. Five years later he ventured out of the village in pursuit of his religion and returned in 2009.

“Since his return, there have been many villagers that converted to Ahmadiyah. This is worrying for the Islamic community in Cikeusik. We have tried to dissuade Suparman from proselytizing his faith but he remained headstrong,” Cikeusik chief Abdjah told reporters.

“Suparman’s reluctance to stop his activities is what caused the mob’s outrage.”

But Atep denied this. “Of course when Suparman joined Ahmadiyah, a lot of his childhood friends became curious and asked him. He explained the Ahmadiyah beliefs to them and they grew interested,” he said.

Still, the growth to 25 Ahmadiyah followers in the little village appeared to have been taken as a threat. On Sunday, MUI [Indonesian Council of Ulama] Banten chief Wahaf Afif said the attack could have been prevented if the Ahmadiyah groups practicing in the province had been disbanded earlier.

Wahaf said his group had sent a letter to the Banten High Prosecutor’s Office four months ago requesting that all Ahmadiyah congregations in the province be disbanded. “But they [Ahmadis] are still around and now this incident occurred,” he said. “Their presence is not only felt in Cikeusik but in so many parts of Banten. We had anticipated the anxiety felt by residents, which is why we sent that letter. We regret that the prosecutor’s office did not follow our request.”

Local Acceptance

Atep said, though, that while they practice their faith in secrecy, they had been living peacefully with the rest of the villagers. “Ordinary people are nice to us. They accept us for who we are,” he said.

One of them is 45-year-old Dedi Setiadi, a mainstream Muslim resident of Umbulan, who said he didn’t recognize members of the mob that arrived on Sunday.

“I don’t know where they’re from. The villagers here would never commit such a heinous act. In fact, some of us hid the victims at our homes to keep them safe,” he said.

Although ostracized by relatives, 66-year-old Agus Jayadi and his wife Warsinah, both mainstream Muslims, said they loved their two sons Atep and Rafiudin, who joined Ahmadiyah in 2009.

“My son brought his Koran and my husband compared it with ours — they’re the same. The way we pray is the same. We worship the same God and follow the teachings of the same prophet,” Warsinah said.

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/ahmadi...village/421543

Friday, July 16, 2010

Al-Umm boarding school: FPI’s forgotten cradle of history

National
Fri, 07/16/2010
12:21 PM

Al-Umm boarding school: FPI’s forgotten cradle of history

“You are in Islamic territory. Please mind your manners by speaking politely and not showing your aurat *parts of the body that should be covered in Islam*,“ reads a welcome sign at the entrance to Al-Umm Islamic boarding school.

Tucked in a small alley called Gang Jamblang on Jl. WR Supratman in South Tangerang regency, the school is hardly recognizable as a typical Islamic establishment from its exterior. A small plastic name plaque is the only clue to the building’s function.

The fairly modest establishment played witness to the birth of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), a hard-line organization notorious for its violent attacks on those it deems offensive to Islamic values and virtues.

Inside the compound another sign reads, “Do not tire or become exhausted in the struggle to eradicate Ahmadiyah”.

Ahmadiyah is a religious sect considered blasphemous to Islam because it does not recognize Muhammad as the last prophet.

Despite the signs, a student, Ilham, greeted visitors in a friendly manner, taking them to meet the school’s founder and owner Syeikh Misbahul Anam.

There was no hint of menace on the features of the 40-something year old sheikh, who smiled in a friendly manner - a far cry from the terrifying expressions worn by FPI field commanders in action

Misbahul, from Brebes, Central Java, said his school was established about a year before the FPI was officially founded at the school on Aug. 17, 1998.

He said that during the first year, the school had occupied a 70 square-meter plot of land, and had only nine students. Now the school has around 51 students.

“*FPI chairman* Habib Rizieq was also one of the facilitators and the conceptualists of the ideas that led to the establishment of this school,” said Misbahul, now the secretary of the FPI’s consultative assembly.

Misbahul said the FPI had been born when he befriended current FPI leader Habib Rizieq long before the establishment of Al-Umm.

Together they decided to set up the FPI at the boarding school, which was the group’s first headquarters before it was relocated to Rizieq’s residence in Petamburan, Central Jakarta.

“We share the same ideas on cruelty, infidelity and injustice toward Muslims,” said Misbahul, who was FPI secretary-general - second in command after Rizieq - during the early years of the FPI.

However, Misbahul said, he and Al-Umm had slowly moved out of the limelight as the leaders and instigators of the FPI.

In spite of this, Misbahul said, he remained an active member of the FPI, and that one of his tasks was to prepare the next generation of FPI leaders to replace Rizieq when he was too tired to continue.

“We have some potential members who deserve to lead, and we are continuously developing them for the next congress *in 2013*. Anyone can be named leader,” he said.

“We do not recognize seniority. Everyone has the same obligations, rights and chances.”

It is thought that the FPI branched off from the Pamswakarsa civil guard, a security force formed by the military to support the Habibie regime.

Then Indonesia Military (TNI) commander Gen. Wiranto and then Jakarta police chief Noegroho Dja-yusman are thought to have masterminded the formation of the FPI.

Both have repeatedly denied the allegation despite that the FPI openly declared support for Wiranto during his presidency bid in 2004 and vice-presidency bid in 2009.

Misbahul also denounced an allegation that the military and the police were backing the FPI. He said the military would not approach the FPI until the group gained popularity and influence.

“For example, then TNI territorial chief Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono *now the President* once asked for our assistance in dealing with insurgencies in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam,” Misbahul said.

“So, it was not us who came to the military generals, it was they who came to us.”

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said he was not aware of the cooperation between Yudhoyono and FPI leaders.

Misbahul also said the generals had come to the FPI to seek assistance in dealing with security issues.

“As long as their requests are made for security reasons, then we will help them. We will not help any request concerning infidelity,” he said.

Rendy Witular/Hans David

Islam Defenders mutating into splinter cells for hire

National
Fri, 07/16/2010
12:21 PM

Islam Defenders mutating into splinter cells for hire

Indications are rife that the vigilante group the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) is degenerating into an unchained organization, allowing various vested interests to use the group’s revolting elites to instill the threat of violence in regions where they see fit. The Jakarta Post’s Rendi Akhmad Witular and Hans David Tampubolon explored how the FPI is mutating into a new kind of threat.

Upon entering Jl. Petamburan 3, the main road heading to the FPI headquarters-cum residence of FPI chairman Habib Rizieq, in Central Jakarta, a string of cautious eyes greet unknown visitors.

A couple of men guarding and working on the renovation of Rizieq’s modest residence question the purpose of any visit to the site.

“Habib is currently sick and cannot meet anyone for the time being. He is very tired,” said Amat, one of the guards.

After being released from prison in July last year, Rizieq’s health has been deteriorating.

Rizieq was sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment for instigating the FPI’s bloody attack on members of the Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and Faith in the National Monument park, Central Jakarta, on June 1, 2008.

The firebrand cleric, who earned his degree in Saudi Arabia, now spends most of his time resting in bed or preaching at the FPI’s mosque every Thursday night.

While Rizieq stays low, other FPI elites, mostly from regional chapters, have been busy becoming political mercenaries without consent from FPI’s headquarters.

The elites have used the FPI franchise to form splinter groups to support political parties and regional leaders.

In his statement on Monday, Rizieq said the recent raid of a meeting attended by legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in Banyuwangi, East Java, in late June was not authorized by headquarters.

“The FPI Banyuwangi chapter has been frozen since late April due to an internal dispute. Thus, any activities representing the FPI are forbidden. But somehow they happen,” he said.

FPI leaders in Banyuwangi have been marred by conflagrations for supporting certain political parties.

Aside from the Banyuwangi raids, Rizieq also highlighted several illegitimate raids in Bekasi and Depok in West Java, and Singkawang in West Kalimantan.

He claimed the Bekasi raid, in which the Tiga Mojang (Three Ladies) statue was torn down because it was deemed to represent the Christian Trinity, was actually conducted by proxies of the Bekasi mayor.

Several FPI members, who requested anonymity for safety reasons, said that while Rizieq remained the group’s patron, he no longer had a firm grip on consolidating the personal interests of the FPI elites, who were now competing with each other to replace him at the 2013 congress.

Retired intelligence officer Soeripto said he believed Rizieq had gradually lost control of the organization, which was very prone to being used by intelligence community and law enforcers to serve the interests of the ruling elite.

“It seems now the FPI has a different patron and backing,” said Soeripto, who is among the patrons of the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

“The Banyuwangi incident has shown how Rizieq can no longer maintain a grip on his followers and how the FPI is prone to being infiltrated by the intelligence community either for national or foreign interests.”

However, FPI secretary-general Ahmad Sobri Lubis denied the suggestion that Rizieq was unfit to lead the organization.

“Habib is still in control of the situation. But the regional chapters have full autonomy to act.”

Over the past three years, raids and street rallies carried out by the FPI have mostly been organized by its regional chapters, notably those in Banten, West Java and East Java.

Analysts believe the FPI will eventually break apart into several autonomous splinter cells similar to those of the Pancasila Youth organization, which no longer holds allegiance to their original patron Japto Soerjosoemarno.

The organization is now breaking up into smaller groups widely associated with thugs, operating independently from each other.

“If the FPI is mutating into smaller independent factions, it will be more difficult for the authorities to shut them down as there will be numerous leaders claiming to be operating under the FPI brand,” said Soeripto.

Chairman of the Indonesian Muslim Movement (GUII), Abdurrahman Assegaf, said the FPI would not mutate into smaller factions as long as Habib Rizieq remained in power.

“Habib is still functioning as a kind of moral figure that at some level still unites the FPI elites. He is so instrumental in keeping the group intact,” said Abdurrahman, who has joined forces with the FPI in clamping down on Ahmadiyah - a religious sect considered blasphemous to Islam because it does not recognize Muhammad as the last prophet.

Abdurrahman said the FPI was unlikely to be dissolved as long as law enforcers were not cooperative in complying with demands from the Muslim community to eradicate activities deemed to threaten Islamic teachings.

“There’s always demand for a vigilante group like the FPI because of the law enforcement vacuum, coupled with abundant uneducated Muslims who are prone to be lured into committing violence.”

The FPI is a splinter group of the Pamswakarsa civil guard formed by the military to support the Habibie regime.

The group has been marred by acts of violence allegedly ordered by political parties or businessmen.

Unlike any other hard-line group, the FPI’s struggle is aimed at crushing activities deemed unfit according to Islam, such as prostitution, gambling, drinking and atheism.

The group’s use of ultra violence, which has triumphed over the rule of law in secular Indonesia, is still less potent than that of Jamaah Al Islamiyah, the terrorist group involved in a string of bombings, or Laskar Jihad (Jihad Troops), which incited a sectarian conflict in Maluku.

Sobri Lubis said it was not unusual for the FPI to receive orders from the police to raid establishment deemed to violate Islamic teachings.

Police have repeatedly denied such allegations. National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri told activists Wednesday that all violence “had to be eradicated” in the country.

According to FPI Consultative Assembly secretary Misbahul Anam, then TNI territorial chief Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono *now the President* asked for the group’s assistance in dealing with insurgencies in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam.

In July 1999, FPI leaders met high-ranking military generals, including Yudhoyono, at the TNI headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, to discuss solutions for the insurgencies in Aceh, according to media reports at the time.

The administration of President Yudhoyono has thus far proven unable to crack down on the organization, which has regularly committed violence freely under the noses of law enforcers.

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said he was not aware of the cooperation between Yudhoyono and FPI leaders.

He said the President had shown strong commitment to bring to justice any criminal groups without prejudice.

He said the FPI may now become a tool in a turf war between governing elites with authority for policy-making.

The turf war includes clandestine battles between the military and the police, between Islamic organizations and liberal wings, between pro-democracy and antidemocracy, and between political elites over the Bank Century bailout scandal.

“The FPI has been nurtured for almost 12 years as a tool for state terrorism. It can be used to discredit Islam, or to sideline the police or certain political parties, or even to divert public attention from certain high-profile scandals involving policy makers,” he said.

Since its birth in 1998, the FPI has been involved in at least 50 incidents.


 The FPI’s most infamous incidents
1998 Nov. 22:
Ketapang incident in Central Jakarta.
1999 September:
Raids on prostitution and gambling dens in Jakarta
2000 Dec. 14:
Raids on prostitution den in Subang for allegedly harboring thugs involved in the attack on the residence of an FPI senior member.
2001 Oct. 15:
Jakarta police deploy around 1,000 officers to storm FPI headquarters. The raid ends in a clash between the police and FPI members.
2002 March 15:
A string of massive FPI raids on several clubs in Jakarta.
June 26:
The FPI raids several pubs along tourist-packed Jl. Jaksa in Jakarta
2003 April 20:
Habib Rizieq is detained by Jakarta police for slandering the force.
Aug. 20:
The court sentences Rizieq to 7 months in prison.
2004 Oct. 3:
Raids on Catholic school Sang Timur, demanding the shutting down of the school.
Oct. 22:
The FPI raids clubs in Kemang, Jakarta
2005 Aug. 5:
Raids on the headquarters of the Liberal Islamic Network in Jakarta.
Sept. 19:
The FPI raids an Ahmadiyah residential compound in Cianjur, West Java.
2006 April 12:
Raids on the office of Playboy Indonesia magazine.
2007 March 29:
Attacks on women’s movement group Papernas
2008 June 1:
Attacks on members of the Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and Faith in the National Monument park, Central Jakarta
Oct. 30:
Rizieq and the commander of the Islam Defender Troops (LPI) were sentenced for 18 months for inciting violence.
2010 March 26:
FPI members forced their way into a hotel in Surabaya, East Java, demanding that foreign participants of the 4th regional Lesbian, Gay, Transgender and Intersex Association conference.
May 4:
FPI members storm a government-backed human rights workshop for transgender individuals in Depok, West Java.
June 24:
A raid on a meeting of legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in Banyuwangi, East Java.

FPI Profile

Friday, June 26, 2009

Perspectives of Major Media Outlets Reflect Country’s Pluralism, Study Says

---Jakarta Globe, Indonesia

June 25, 2009

Ismira Lutfia

Perspectives of Major Media Outlets Reflect Country’s Pluralism, Study Says

Despite a study showing that five national publications had strikingly different perspectives when it came to reporting on Ahmadiyah and the antipornography bill, the general feeling is that the country’s media is a healthy example of the how the press works in a pluralistic society.

“It’s inevitable that the media would project differing perspective as they were formed in a pluralistic society,” journalist Aristides Katoppo said on Thursday.

“No media exists whose participants are homogenous.”

A team of five researchers from the Habibie Center, who presented their findings during the launch of a book, “Pluralism Issues in Media Perspective,” chose the controversial Ahmadiyah Muslim community and anti- pornography bill as representations of pluralism in the country because they sparked polar opposite views, which the media itself contributed in shaping.

The study analyzed how weekly news magazines Gatra and Tempo, and dailies Kompas, Media Indonesia and Republika framed the two issues by their choice of sources and words in their reports.

“These five media outlets are aspects of the plurality in our society,” Sumarno, one of the researchers, said in his presentation, adding that the media members had different views in framing the news and presenting the facts.

He said Kompas, Media Indonesia and Tempo tended to quote news sources that were against the antipornography bill and supported Ahmadiyah’s existence, while Republika took the opposing stance but with a similar approach. Gatra displayed a more impartial view on both issues.

Sumarno said that the main message conveyed by Kompas, Media Indonesia and Tempo was that to deny Ahmadiyah its right to exist violated the Constitution and was an abuse of human rights, while passing the antipornography bill would limit freedom of expression and discriminate against women.

“Republika viewed Ahmadiyah as blasphemous and therefore pushed the government to take a stand against it,” said Afdal Makkuraga Putra, a fellow researcher, adding that the paper saw the antipornography bill as an attempt to protect women.

“Their choice of words reflected the news perspective that they represented,” Afdal said.

A. Makmur Makka, communications director at the Habibie Center, said that as an organization, each media establishment had its own distinctive characteristics, which were shaped by its audience and by its management.

“This is reflected in its editorial policies, so it is acceptable to be partial as long as the news report is written in good conscience,” Makmur said, adding that what was presented in a news report was a result of agreements between various interests in the newsroom.

“We can’t really label media outlets as pluralist or non-pluralist based on their perspectives on two issues,” he said.

Copyright 2009 The Jakarta Globe
URL: http://thejakartaglobe.com/ne...ys-pluralism-study-says/314490


Tuesday, June 2, 2009

Hard-Liners Seek Out Pair Willing to Ban Ahmadiyah

---Jakarta Globe, Indonesia
June 02, 2009
Muninggar Sri SaraswatiHard-Liners Seek Out Pair Willing to Ban Ahmadiyah

Hundreds of protesters from several hard-line Islamic groups rallied on Monday, and declared support for presidential candidates who would support Shariah law and formally ban the Ahmadiyah religious movement.

“We reject presidential tickets who do not support Muslims and instead support the United States,” said Chep Hermawan, who led the rally outside the Presidential Palace complex in Central Jakarta, without mentioning any specific ticket.

The rally was held on the anniversary of the Indonesian Defender Front (FPI) attack on a peaceful demonstration organized by the National Alliance for the Freedom of Faith and Religion at Monas in Central Jakarta last year.

The protest was marked by 70 Ahmadiyah followers renouncing their beliefs and pledging to become mainstream Muslims.

The protesters were mainly drawn from members of the hard-line FPI and Islamic People’s Forum (FUI) from around Jakarta.

FPI Secretary General Sobri Lubis said there was no reason for them to vote for presidential candidates who could not promise that they would ban Ahmadiyah, an Islamic sect declared as heretical by the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI) in 2005.

“We demand that Ahmadiyah be banned through a formal presidential decree instead of merely a joint ministerial decree,” he said. “We will vote for a candidate who can guarantee that.”

The high-profile attack on the Monas demonstration drew widespread condemnation and resulted in FPI chairman Habib Rizieq being sentenced to 18 months in prison. But rather than seize popular support and take action against FPI, the government simply issued a joint ministerial decree ordering Ahmadiyah restrict its religious activities.

FPI and FUI are known for their fundamentalist views of Islamic teachings, and have been labeled as thugs with little real influence. FPI has been involved in a number of raids on night clubs and bars that sell alcohol, and has also used violence to threaten and intimidate minority groups, such as the destruction of mosques and houses belonging to Ahmadiyah followers.

Sobri said that the 70 former Ahmadiyah followers wished to revert to the true faith.

“We did not force them to exercise Islamic teaching. We will accompany them to go back to the right path,” he said, explaining that they practiced Ahmadiyah teachings without really understanding what they followed.

One of the converts, Etik, 40, from Tejowaringin in Tasikmalaya, West Java, said they returned to Islam “because of our conscience; not because of the FPI.”

Ahmadiyah spokesman Mubarik said it was up to the individuals concerned whether they wanted to change their beliefs as Ahmadiyah did not want to force anybody to follow them if they no longer wished to — just as the Ahmadiyah followers did not want to be forced to change their beliefs.

Copyright 2009 The Jakarta Globe
URL: http://thejakartaglobe.com/ne...air-willing-to-ban-ahmadiyah/278651



 
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