Showing posts with label rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rights. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 21, 2010

Jungle justice

Daily Dawn, Pakistan
FROM THE PAPER »
EDITORIAL

Jungle justice
   Dawn Editorial
   Wednesday, 21 Jul, 2010

Policemen fire teargas shells to disperse the protesters during a demonstration against the killing of two Christian brothers outside the court building in Faisalabad. - Online Photo
Policemen fire teargas shells to disperse the protesters during a demonstration against the killing of two Christian brothers outside the court building in Faisalabad. — Online Photo

There have been several instances where police apathy, perhaps in some cases connivance, has led to under-trial prisoners being targeted by vengeful elements on the court premises.

Where the charge involves religion, there is a greater need for the police to be vigilant when escorting the accused to or from court, given the kind of fury that allegations of blasphemy unleash. Sadly, this is far from the case in Pakistan as exemplified by the killing of two Christian brothers by a group of masked men on the premises of a Faisalabad sessions court on Monday. The brothers were accused of distributing blasphemous material — that, unbelievably, also contained phone numbers. The men had been brought to court under police escort to obtain remand. Such cases are a reminder of how allegations of blasphemy can be used to incite jungle justice and mob violence that often mask the real motives behind the targeting of individuals. The motives can range from the settling of personal scores to property disputes.

Monday’s killings led to violent protests by the Christian community in the brothers’ native area of Daoodnagar; a section of the Muslim community reacted by asking the people over mosque loudspeakers to “fight the rampaging” Christians. The situation grew volatile enough to necessitate the imposition of Section 144 for the maintenance of public order. The result is the creation of an atmosphere of fear and violent mistrust that could lead to the targeting of more members of the Christian community. This situation can also be exploited by ill-intentioned groups such as the land mafia. This has, indeed, often proved to be the case in earlier incidents of violence involving allegations of blasphemy, particularly in Punjab.

Arrests under Section 295-C of the PPC for allegations of blasphemy illustrates the dangers inherent in a law that lends itself to misuse. The blasphemy law is rightly criticised for the manner in which it can be abused. We must also note that it helps foster a societal mindset of jungle justice where individuals feel that it is right to take the law into their own hands. The blasphemy law must be repealed.

©2010 DAWN Media Group. All rights reserved

Thursday, May 6, 2010

Pakistan: Report on Human Rights Practices, 2009

Excerpts from U.S. Department of State
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2009
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor,
March 11, 2010
Pakistan
……
Although the civilian government took some positive steps, the overall human rights situation remained poor. Major problems included extrajudicial killings, torture, and disappearances. Collective punishment was a problem, particularly in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which fall under the legal framework of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). Lengthy trial delays and failures to discipline and prosecute those responsible for abuses contributed to a culture of impunity. Poor prison conditions, arbitrary arrest, and lengthy pretrial detention remained problems, as did a lack of judicial independence. Corruption was widespread within the government and police forces, and the government made few attempts to combat the problem. Rape, domestic violence, sexual harassment, and abuse against women remained serious problems. Honor crimes and discriminatory legislation affected women and religious minorities respectively. Religious freedom violations and inter-sectarian religious conflict continued. Widespread trafficking in persons, child labor, and exploitation of indentured and bonded children were ongoing problems. Child abuse, commercial sexual exploitation of children, discrimination against persons with disabilities, and lack of respect for worker rights remained concerns.
……

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1
Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:


a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

……
Attacks on houses of worship, religious gatherings, and religious leaders linked to sectarian, religious extremist, and terrorist groups outside FATA resulted in hundreds of deaths reported during the year. The HRCP reported that through August sectarian violence killed 215 persons and injured 573. Examples of these cases include the following:
……

By year’s end the government had not taken steps to address the September 2008 killings of Dr. Abdul Mannan Siddiqui and Seth Muhammad Yousuf, two Ahmadi leaders in Sindh. In September 2008 the local anchor of a religious affairs program on Geo Television, Amir Liaquat Hussain, declared that Islamic teachings necessitated the killing of members of the Ahmadi sect and prompted two religious scholars who were guests on the program to affirm his position.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The law prohibits torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, but there were reports that security forces, including intelligence services, tortured and abused individuals in custody. Under provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Act, coerced confessions are admissible in anti-terrorism courts. During the year the NGO SHARP reported 2,300 cases of torture by police, most of which occurred in Punjab. Observers noted that underreporting of torture was prevalent in the NWFP and Balochistan. Torture occasionally resulted in death or serious injury.
……

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions were extremely poor and failed to meet international standards. Overcrowding was widespread, except for cells of wealthy or influential prisoners. According to SHARP, more than 95,000 prisoners occupied 72 jails originally built to hold approximately 36,000 persons.

Inadequate food and medical care in prisons led to chronic health problems and malnutrition for those unable to supplement their diet with help from family or friends.……

Foreign prisoners often remained in prison long after completion of their sentences because they were unable to pay for deportation to their home countries.

Police reportedly tortured and mistreated those in custody and at times engaged in extrajudicial killings. Christian and Ahmadi communities claimed their members were more likely to be abused. Non-Muslim prisoners generally were afforded poorer facilities than Muslim inmates and often suffered violence at the hands of fellow inmates.
……

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

………
Police often failed to protect members of religious minorities from societal attacks, including Christians, Ahmadis, and Shias.

Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention

………
The law stipulates that detainees must be brought to trial within 30 days of their arrest. Under both the Hudood Ordinances and standard criminal codes, there are bailable and nonbailable offenses. Bail pending trial is required for bailable offenses and permitted at a court’s discretion for nonbailable offenses with sentences of less than 10 years. In practice judges denied bail at the request of police or the community, or upon payment of bribes. In many cases trials did not start until approximately six months after the filing of charges, and in some cases individuals remained in pretrial detention for periods longer than the maximum sentence for the crime with which they were charged. SHARP estimated that approximately 55 percent of the prison population was awaiting trial. ……

In May 2008 the government announced it had imposed a moratorium on the death penalty, although the moratorium was not enforced in practice. In March 2008 the HRCP had noted there was “strong evidence” that the death penalty was applied without regard to due process, and SHARP reported that there were an estimated 7,000 inmates on death row. ……

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

Lower courts remained corrupt, inefficient, and subject to pressure from prominent wealthy, religious, and political figures. The politicized nature of judicial promotions increased the government’s control over the court system. Unfilled judgeships and inefficient court procedures resulted in severe backlogs at both trial and appellate levels.

There were extensive case backlogs in both the lower and superior courts. According to a 2009 report published by the Law and Justice Commission of Pakistan on National Judicial Policy there were 138,945 cases pending at the superior judiciary and 1,565,926 pending with the lower courts or subordinate judiciary.
……

Trial Procedures

Courts routinely failed to protect the rights of religious minorities. Judges were pressured to take strong action against any perceived offense to Sunni orthodoxy. The judiciary rarely heard discrimination cases dealing with religious minorities.

Laws prohibiting blasphemy continued to be used against Christians, Ahmadis, and members of other religious groups, including Muslims. Lower courts often did not require adequate evidence in blasphemy cases, which led to some accused and convicted persons spending years in jail before higher courts eventually overturned their convictions or ordered them freed.

Original trial courts usually denied bail in blasphemy cases, claiming that because defendants faced the death penalty, they were likely to flee. Many defendants appealed the denial of bail, but bail often was not granted in advance of the trial. Lower courts frequently delayed decisions, experienced intimidation, and refused bail for fear of reprisal from extremist elements.
……

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

………
In accordance with the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997, the government banned the activities of and membership in several religious extremist and terrorist groups. Some of the banned groups changed their names and remained active, including Jaish e Muhammad (new name: Tehrikul Furqan & Al Rehmat Trust); Tehrik e Ja’afria Pakistan (new name: Tehrik e Islami Pakistan); and Sipah e Sihaba Pakistan (new name: Millat e Islamia Pakistan). Many of the renamed groups were subsequently banned. Lashkar e Taiba regrouped under the new name Jamaat ud-Dawa. The government seized the public assets of Jamaat ud-Dawa and ordered its accounts frozen in response to the group’s designation as an alias of a Foreign Terrorist Organization under UN Security Council resolution 1267. In 2008 the government labeled Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) a terrorist organization and ordered the State Bank to freeze all the organization’s accounts.
………

Section 2
Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

 

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The law provides for freedom of assembly and freedom of association, subject to restrictions imposed by law.

Freedom of Assembly

Although the constitution provides for this right, in practice the government placed selective restrictions on the right to assemble. By law district authorities can prevent gatherings of more than four people without police authorization. Separately, Ahmadis have been prohibited from holding conferences or gatherings since 1984.

c. Freedom of Religion

The constitution states that adequate provisions shall be made for minorities to profess and practice their religions freely, but the government limited freedom of religion in practice. Islam is the state religion, and the constitution requires that laws be consistent with Islam. The Federal Shariat court ensures that laws are consistent with Shari’a. All citizens are subject to the blasphemy laws. Freedom of speech is constitutionally subject to “any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam.”

According to the HRCP, there was an increase in cases of violence against minorities during the year. Reprisals and threats of reprisals against suspected converts from Islam occurred. Members of religious minorities were subject to violence and harassment, and at times police refused to prevent such actions or charge persons who committed them, leading to an atmosphere of impunity. The constitution stipulates the president and the prime minister must be Muslim. The prime minister, federal ministers, and ministers of state, as well as elected members of the Senate and National Assembly (including non-Muslims), must take an oath to “strive to preserve the Islamic ideology,” the basis for the creation of the country.
………

The law declares the Ahmadi community, which considers itself a Muslim sect, to be a non-Muslim minority. The law prohibits Ahmadis, who numbered more than two million, from engaging in any Muslim practices, including use of Muslim greetings, referring to their places of worship as mosques, reciting Islamic prayers, using specific Islamic terms, and participating in the Hajj or Ramadan fast. Ahmadis were prohibited from proselytizing, holding gatherings, or distributing literature. Government forms, including passport applications and voter registration documents, require anyone wishing to be listed as a Muslim to denounce the founder of the Ahmadi faith. According to Ahmadiyya Foreign Mission, during the year 11 Ahmadis were killed due to their faith; there were nine targeted attacks against Ahmadis that resulted in several serious injuries; 37 Ahmadis were charged under blasphemy laws; and 57 Ahmadis were charged under Ahmadi-specific laws. At year’s end no Ahmadi was in prison on charges of desecration of the Koran.

The penal code calls for the death sentence or life imprisonment for anyone who blasphemes the Prophet Muhammad. The law provides for life imprisonment for desecrating the Koran and up to 10 years in prison for insulting another’s religious beliefs with the intent to offend religious feelings. The latter penalty was used only against those who allegedly insulted the Prophet Muhammad. ……

On January 28, authorities arrested five Ahmadis, including four teenage students and one adult, for carving the name of the Prophet Muhammad onto the walls of a bathroom stall at a mosque in Punjab province. According to the AHRC, no evidence suggested the five individuals were responsible, and authorities did not conduct any investigation before the arrest. The four students who allegedly defaced the stalls at the behest of the adult had no connection to the mosque and did not live nearby, and a police official said police were not aware of any substantial evidence that linked the students with the crime. According to the AHRC, the district police officer told family members of the accused that police were under pressure from religious fundamentalists to act against the students. The students were released in July.

There were no developments regarding the June 2008 case in which police charged all the residents of Rabwah in Punjab under anti-Ahmadi laws and arrested Muhammad Yunus for lighting fireworks and lamps and greeting each other, which the government considered to be preaching their faith, a crime by law.

Police closed the Ahmadi centers in August 2008 following a citizen complaint that Ahmadis were attempting to proselytize. The centers were permitted to reopen on the condition that they remove the Kalima (the recitation of the Shahada, the Islamic recitation of faith) from their centers.
………

There were no developments in the 2007 case in which an Intelligence Bureau district officer ordered the arrest of five Ahmadis, including two minors, after a teacher discovered the minors carrying an Ahmadi children’s magazine. After the case received wide media coverage, the charges were dropped but then re-filed in February 2007 against two adults.

By the end of the year, there were no developments in the trial of the 2007 case of a retired assistant sub-inspector who shot and killed a recent Ahmadi convert in a restaurant in Seerah, near Mandi Bahauddin in Punjab. At year’s end he was incarcerated and the case was pending.
………

Complaints under the blasphemy laws were used to harass rivals in business or personal disputes. Most complaints under these laws were filed against the majority Sunni Muslim community by other Sunnis. Appellate courts dismissed most blasphemy cases; the accused, however, often remained in jail for years awaiting the court’s decision. Trial courts were reluctant to release on bail or acquit blasphemy defendants for fear of violence from extremist religious groups. In 2005 a law went into effect revising the complaint process and requiring senior police officials to review such cases in an effort to eliminate spurious charges. According to human rights and religious freedom groups, this process was not effective because senior police officers did not have the resources to review the cases. There were no legal restrictions on Christian or Hindu places of worship. District nazims had to authorize construction after they assessed the need for a new church or temple. Religious minority groups experienced bureaucratic delays and requests for bribes—routine obstacles all religious groups faced—when they attempted to build houses of worship or to obtain land.
………

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Sectarian violence between Sunni and Shia extremists continued during the year. Shias, Christians, and Ahmadis were the targets of religious violence across the country.
………

The government did not address the 2008 attacks against one church, one Hindu temple, and five Ahmadi mosques in Punjab.

Since the promulgation of the Anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance in 1984, 295 Ahmadis have faced charges, and at the end of the year two Ahmadis were in prison under the blasphemy laws.
………

Ahmadi leaders charged that militant Sunni mullahs and their followers sometimes staged marches through the streets of Rabwah, a predominantly Ahmadi town and spiritual center in central Punjab. Ahmadis claimed that police generally were present during the marches.

Ahmadi, Christian, Hindu, and Shia Muslim communities reported significant discrimination in employment and access to education, including government institutions. These communities also faced societal violence. The National Education Policy mandated Islamic studies in schools; non-Muslim students could opt out of the course in favor of a more general ethics course. Several minority religious groups claimed the policy infringed on the religious freedom of non-Muslim students and made textbooks more biased toward Islam by removing information regarding the practices of other religions.
………

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2009 International Religious Freedom Report.

Section 3  

Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

Elections and Political Participation

………
The government required voters to indicate their religion when registering to vote. The Ahmadi community boycotted the elections, according to the EU Election Observation Mission, because they were required to register on a separate voter roll.
………

There were 10 religious minority members in reserved seats in the National Assembly, and one served in the cabinet as the Federal Minister for Minorities. Such seats were apportioned to parties based on the percentage of seats each won in the assembly. Under the law minorities held 23 reserved seats in the provincial assemblies: eight in Punjab; nine in Sindh; three in the NWFP; and three in Balochistan.

Section 6

Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Disability, Language, or Social Status

The constitution provides for equality for all citizens and broadly prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, caste, residence, or place of birth; in practice, there was significant discrimination based on each of these factors.

Monday, November 30, 2009

An Ahmadi Muslim teacher killed in Pakistan

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
LONDON, 30th November 2009
PRESS RELEASE

AN AHMADI MUSLIM TEACHER KILLED IN PAKISTAN

Mr Rana Salim of Sanghir District, Sindh was shot dead on 26 November 2009.

It is with great sadness that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that another member of its Jamaat, Mr Rana Salim of Sanghir District, Sindh was shot dead on 26 November 2009.

Mr Salim was walking out from the Baitul Hamd mosque after the evening prayers when he was shot at point blank range. He was rushed to hospital but died prior to arrival. The Asian Human Rights Commission confirmed that the local police did not arrive until very late and subsequently failed to file any proper report or conduct a proper investigation. Locals have confirmed that recently a number of Ahmadis in the area, including Mr Salim, had been receiving frequent threats. The police had been made aware of these threats but refused to take any action.

Mr Salim devoted his life to his passion for education. He and his wife ran the prestigious ‘New Life’ public school and they were routinely praised for providing an excellent standard of education. Indeed jealously at the high performance of the school is one of the reasons that local extremists had targeted Ahmadis in the recent past.

Regarding the continued attacks on Ahmadis in Pakistan, the Asian Human Rights Commission reported on 27 November 2009:
“The State consistently fails in its responsibility to protect them (Ahmadis), despite repeated claims by the current administration that it represents the best interests of minorities in the country. The impunity seen to be enjoyed by those who commit crimes against Ahmadis only further encourages discriminatory violence.”
Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, the Head of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, led the funeral prayer of the deceased in absentia on 27 November 2009. Prior to this he said:
“Mr Rana Salim ran the ‘New Life’ school in Sanghir District in which around 1000 students are currently enrolled. The standard of the school is very high… The deceased is survived by his wife, two daughters and one son. May God grant his family patience at this time and may He elevate the status of the deceased in heaven.”
End of Release

Press Secretary AMJ International, press at ahmadiyya.org.uk

Sunday, August 9, 2009

Another minority killing in Pakistan

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
LONDON, 8 August 2009
PRESS RELEASE

ANOTHER MINORITY KILLING IN PAKISTAN

It is with great sadness that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that another member of its community, Rana Ata-ul Karim (36) was killed on 6 August 2009 in Multan, Pakistan. He was murdered simply for being an Ahmadi. Mr Karim, a well educated agriculturist, left his home for a few minutes in the afternoon and returned to find that his wife had been locked in their bedroom by three young men who had entered his home. Mr Karim was shot 3 times and died on the spot. The assailants immediately fled the scene. Mr Karim is survived by his wife and two daughters.

The killing came in a week where another minority group in Pakistan, members of the Christian community, have also faced persecution. Speaking about the current situation in Pakistan, the world Head of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad said:
“The situation in Pakistan is extremely grave. So called Muslims continue to tarnish the name of Islam. Recently extremists in Pakistan have inflicted horrific cruelties on the Christian minority. The country is plagued with a lack of law and order, even though the authorities try to claim the contrary. In practice, where it comes to upholding the rights of a vulnerable citizen or group, all law and order is forgotten.”
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat condemns in the strongest terms the persecution faced by the Christian minority in recent days. What has happened there and also the continued persecution of Ahmadis is completely alien to the teachings of the Holy Qur’an and the Holy Prophet Muhammad. The Holy Qur’an clearly states that ‘there should be no compulsion in religion’ but unfortunately this is an injunction that has been forgotten by parts of the Muslim world. This is the reason why Ahmadis such as Rana Ata-ul Karim are martyred on a regular basis in Pakistan and why the Government continues to uphold anti-Ahmadiyya legislation passed in 1974 and 1984.

For Pakistan to emerge from this period of self-destruction it must be governed with honesty and integrity. Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad said:
“In Pakistan the politicians are fearful of the power of the extremist clerics. Because of this no example of justice can be seen in the country.”
End of Release

Further Info: Abid Khan, Tel: +44(0)7795490682, Email: press at ahmadiyya.org.uk

Saturday, August 8, 2009

Indonesia: President’s New Term Should Focus on Human Rights

---Human Rights Watch, USA

Indonesia: President’s New Term Should Focus on Human Rights

Key Reforms Needed to Address Persistent Problems

August 6, 2009

(New York) — Indonesia’s recently re-elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, should undertake comprehensive measures to address persistent human rights problems, Human Rights Watch said in a letter today. In the letter, Human Rights Watch makes specific recommendations on the issues of corruption, military business, impunity, religious freedom, freedom of expression, the situation in Papua, and child domestic workers.

Some major reforms during Yudhoyono’s first term addressing military business, corruption and accountability have lost steam. For instance, the Anti-Corruption Court, established in 2004, could cease to exist if legislation regarding the court is not passed by September 30. The government has also failed to prosecute senior military commanders for atrocities committed in Aceh and East Timor.

“President Yudhoyono had some successes on human rights in his first term, but he needs to make sure those reforms really stick,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The time is ripe to address areas where reforms have been bogged down, such as the military, corruption and impunity.”

Human Rights Watch also expressed concern about rising religious intolerance, particularly against the Ahmadiyah, a religious minority now banned in Indonesia, and the continuing use of criminal laws to repress freedom of expression. The Human Rights Watch letter urged Indonesia, as a party to the major human rights treaties, to live up to its international legal obligations.

“Indonesia should take its obligations under international treaties seriously and this means protecting the rights of marginalized groups, whether they are religious minorities, child domestic workers or Papuans,” Pearson said. “President Yudhoyono could make human rights his legacy and be a role model for other emerging democracies.”

URL: www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/08/...uman-rights

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

Ahmadi Children released on Bail after nearly Six Months imprisonment

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
7 July 2009
PRESS RELEASE

AHMADI CHILDREN RELEASED ON BAIL AFTER NEARLY SIX MONTHS IMPRISONMENT

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat is pleased to announce that the four Ahmadi children and one Ahmadi adult who have been imprisoned for nearly six months, following arrest in District Layyah, Pakistan, have today been granted bail.

Bail was granted by Justice Pervez Inayat, presiding in the Multan High Court, on condition of a fiscal guarantee of Rs200,000 being paid per person.

During the hearing the Superintendant of Police (SP), Mr Sardar Pervez Tareen was called by the presiding Judge to give evidence. The SP made it clear that there was absolutely no evidence connecting any of the accused with the alleged crime.

The five Ahmadis currently remain in jail, however it is expected that they will be released on 9th July 2009.

Press Secretary of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Abid Khan said:
“We are pleased that the five Ahmadis arrested have been granted bail and that they should now be released in a couple of days. All five have conducted themselves in a way that has been a credit to themselves, their families and to the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat.

However these fabricated charges have not been withdrawn and because of this the matter remains of huge concern. It must be hoped that the local prosecutors see sense and bear in mind the evidence of the local SP and drop all charges against the accused. Only then will justice prevail.”
End of Release
Further Info: press @ ahmadiyya.org.uk

Friday, June 19, 2009

Maududi’s Children

---Dawn.com Blog, Pakistan

Maududi’s Children

Posted by Nadeem F. Paracha in Featured Articles, Pakistan on 06 11th, 2009 |

How the intellectuality of Political Islam turned into the brutality of faithful fascism: Nadeem F. Paracha

In Pakistan even the traditional Muslim practice of reasoning in matters of religion – originally introduced by the 9th century Mutazilites – is at times treated like some kind of an abomination to be feared, discouraged and repressed.

It is easy to accuse the proverbial mullah for this. And it is equally easy to blame him for being anti-intellectual and regressive.

However, over the years the conventional mullah has already lost a lot of face and respect. But this seemingly anti-mullah trend didn’t always mean the opening up of society to a more enlightening and pluralistic alternative.

On the contrary, the gap created by the conventional mullah’s gradual downfall was filled by religious scholars who only seemed to have intellectualized, modernized and politicized obscurantism. [1]

In Pakistan, Islamic scholars like Abul Ala Maududi and the far more moderate, Professor Fazalur Rahman Malik, were some of the first to occupy this gap.

Their tirades against the conventional mullah were welcomed by the more ‘educated Muslims.’ [2]

Working as the head of the Central Institute of Islamic Research formed by the Ayub Khan dictatorship in 1961, Prof. Fazalur Rahman laboured hard to find that elusive middle-ground between Pakistan’s colonial secular heritage and its somewhat ambiguous ‘Islamic Republic-ism.’

Maududi’s elaborate treatises however, concentrated more on undermining the constructive role being played by the less puritanical Islamic sects in Pakistan. [3]

And even though both Maududi and Fazalur Rahman were staunchly anti-left in equal degrees, Maududi soon turned his intellectual weaponry against Rahman as well after the later published his short but highly acclaimed book ‘Islam’ in 1968.

Maududi and his Jamat Islami accused Rahman for undermining the importance of the hadith and for claiming that not all text of the Qu’ran was eternal and (thus), it should be understood allegorically. [4]

Maududi’s staunch stance against the non-puritanical strains of Islam was a counterproductive move. Because in an ethnical, sectarian and religiously pluralistic society like Pakistan, the factions that Maududi challenged were/are comparatively moderate in essence: Barelvi-ism, Sufism and the Hanaifi school of jurisprudence – which is the most liberal of the four schools of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam – are still at the forefront of faith in Pakistan, boasting a large following. [5]; [6]; [7]; [8]

Many believe they are the very reasons that help keep tensions between religions, and religious sects in the country at a bare minimum. At the root of this is the pluralism-friendly factor emerging from these strains’ historical make-up generated from a healthy cultural fusion between distinct peoples in the subcontinent. [9]

That’s why a ‘progressive Muslim’ in a country like Pakistan must be more pragmatic than either idealistic or political. He may be aesthetically and theologically opposed and repulsed by the more ‘superstitious’ strains of the faith, but he must understand that ironically, the large number of adherents that such strains have in Pakistan, they remain to be the social engine behind the consensual need in the society at large to keep matters like sectarianism and inter-Islamic polarisation in the country largely de-politicised. [10]

But Maududi not only shunned these ‘superstitious’ strains, his alternative of a more ‘unembellished’ and concrete version of Islam was also highly political and compartmentalized. [11]

This meant that not only were the more ‘blemished’ strains of Islam challenged by him, modern western philosophical and political ensembles like democracy, liberalism, socialism and especially Marxism too were rejected.

Maududi’s alternative was an ‘all-encompassing Islam.’ He purposed a single, exclusive version of the religion; a version that discouraged any previous interpretation of the Qu’ran and the Islamic Law (Sharia) that his own analysis did not approve of. And though he was skeptical of all modern secular concepts of ideology, paradoxically, he wasn’t all that allergic to the notions of modern state politics. [12]; [13]; [14].

Calling for the imposition of this politicized and puritanical version of Islam in a socially pluralistic and religiously sectarian society like Pakistan was not only Utopian, it was also dangerous.

Not surprisingly, ever since the late 1960s, Maududi’s philosophy has off and on found itself being used to encourage self-righteous coercion, political intrigues and violence - as seen in Jamat Islami’s role in the 1953 and 1974 anti-Ahmadiyya violence (for which Maududi was imprisoned); the role of the party in supporting (and taking part) in the Pakistani Army’s controversial actions in the former East Pakistan; and the role of the party’s student wing, the Islami Jamiat-e-Taleba (IJT), which was accused (in the 1980s) of introducing the violent ‘Kalashnikov Culture’ on the country’s campuses. [15]; [16].

Worst of all, Maududi-ism (as it is sometimes called), was also exploited by dictators (General Zia-ul-Haq), ulema and, of course, the Jamat Islami, as a way to deflect, deflate and denounce any other form of Islamic reformism. It actually eschewed tolerance. [17]

A number of politico-religious forces in Pakistan, as well as many television anchormen, print journalists and publications, are both directly and indirectly influenced by Maududi.

That’s why one is not surprised to watch most of them dutifully derailing any idea that looks inwards at the present state of Islam as a cause for the violence perpetuated in its name.

These gentlemen and publications continue to offer hyperbolic Maududist tracts pointing at ‘western powers’ and faith-based ‘distortions’ for all the ills befalling religion and society in Pakistan.

Outdated Maududist thoughts are being aired in a reality where Communism, Cold War tussles, ‘secret societies,’ and ‘distorted sects’ are not the ‘problem’ anymore. On the contrary, most of the present crises are clearly stemming from a violent, psychopathic and totalitarian version of the faith. Thus, the socio-political disconnect in these gentlemen’s otherwise widely published and televised arguments is now starker than ever.

The fact is, Maududism in the post-9/11 Pakistan stands to be little more than an outdated relic of the Cold War, offering what now sound like rhetorical and hyperbolic clichés.

What’s more, Maududi’s ideas are also being used to make a veneered defense of the actions of anarchic militants in the North (as heard from politicians like JI’s Munawar Hussain and Qazi Hussain Ahmed; PTI’s Imran Khan, and even from some PML-N leaders who were once part of JI’s student-wing, the IJT. [18]

It is interesting to imagine how Maududi himself would have reacted in the current scenario. However, there is no doubt that the way his thoughts and ideas have evolved, they have been at least one reason why the current trends of reformism in Islam have failed to find any valid expression in Pakistan.

The backlash

The present-day reformist inclinations in Islam include two variations. One is being led by staunch secularists and the other by ‘progressive Muslims.’

Both may disagree with one another but their aim and goal seem to be common: To expunge Islam as we know it from laws and exegeses that, though man-made, have been handed down through the centuries as being ‘divine’ and thus unalterable. [19]

One of the many examples in this context is the law of stoning adulterous men and women that is practiced in some Islamic societies as ‘God’s law,’ but it is actually not found in the Qu’ran - (the law was formed in the 8th century from a hadith whose credibility many scholars have questioned). [20]

Another is the literalist way the hudd or Hudood laws have been interpreted. Even though most Islamic countries (through the process of ijtihad/collective consensus), have avoided enacting ‘Hudood Laws’ due to these laws’ incompatibility with changing times and circumstances, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan (until 2007) were the only two countries having these laws as part of their respective legal cannons.

Nevertheless, the Hudood Ordinances (enacted by the Zia dictatorship in 1979 in Pakistan), were finally scrapped by the Musharraf regime in 2007.

This was one of the foremost acts by the state of Pakistan directly challenging the ‘Islamisation’ milieu left behind by Zia who had been a staunch ‘Maududist.’ [21]

Yet another example suggesting a gradual backlash against the Maududist politico-theological model was the recent unprecedented verdict by the Federal Shariat Court that declared drinking alcohol as a comparatively minor crime in Islam, and changed the punishment (of drunkenness) from 80 lashes (from a whip) to light strokes from a stick (made from a date tree leave). [22]

Alcohol had always remained a largely tolerated indulgence in Muslim societies across the centuries. Many scholars maintain that though the Qu’ran has ‘advised’ Muslims to stay away from wine (as opposed to forbidding it like it does pork, carrion meat, blood and idolatry), it does not prescribe any punishment for its usage. [23].

In Pakistan too, alcohol was freely sold and consumed until 1977, when first (under pressure from the Jamat Islami), the secular government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto banned its sale, and then the reactionary dictatorship of Gen. Zia turned its consumption and sale (by Muslims) as a crime punishable under his controversial Hudood Ordinances.

Ironically, Zia’s ban on alcohol gave birth to a thriving bootlegging mafia - even though cities like Karachi have licensed liquor stores that have successfully checked the bootleggers’ influence in this city.

Zia’s ban on alcohol also triggered the widespread usage of addictive drugs like heroin.

For example, until 1979, Pakistan literally had just a single reported case of heroin addiction. But by 1985, it had the second largest population of heroin addicts! [24]

Though no Pakistani has been flogged for the offence of consuming and selling alcohol ever since 1981, the Shariat Court’s verdict must have come as a blow to the architects of Zia’s Islamisation process that was largely based on Maududi’s politico-religious thesis of an ‘Islamic state.’ A state whose blueprint, many Islamic scholars opposed to Maududi-ism maintain, does not exist in the Qu’ran and is only a generation of Maududi’s imagination.

Waiting for reason

There are a number of progressive Muslim scholars, especially in Turkey, Egypt, Malaysia, Algeria and Indonesia, who seem to be making deeper inroads in the 21st century Islamic reformist psyche. In Pakistan Javed Ahmed Ghamdi, the London-based Ziauddin Sardar and respected intellectual, Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy can be named.

In their work on Islam they have taken a scientific and a strictly academic approach, and are not immune to openly question the historicity of the Laws of Islam that have been handed down to us from the 8th century onwards; or a history and versions of the Shariah that started to appear almost two centuries after the demise of the Prophet.

To them the Muslims need to have an interpretative relationship with the Holy text. According to Sardar, for example, we have been relying on an age-old interpretation of the Qu’ran, one that is ice-capped in history. The context of this interpretation is of the 8th and 9th century Muslim societies. It needs to be radically updated through ijtihad.

Most current Islamic reformists are also concerned about the retrogressive tendency in some recent so-called modern Islamists to determine ‘scientific miracles in the Qu’ran.’

According to Dr. Hoodbhoy, by doing this they undermine all the hard work undertaken by early Islamic scientists and philosophers and that this practice in a way also suggests that present-day Muslims should stop getting their hands dirty in labs and universities, thinking they know everything. [25]; [26].

Respected Muslim scholars like Prof. Sardar, and monumental Algerian scholar, Muhamad Arkun, have been particularly harsh on French writer, Maurice Bucaille’s controversial book, The Bible, Qu’ran & Science and how this book (financed by the Saudi government), has given birth to a navel-gazing cottage industry of half-baked ‘experts’ distracting Muslims from learning real science. They say the Qu’ran encourages the acquiring of science, instead of creating a pseudoscience by reading wrongly into the meanings of certain surahs of the Holy Book. [27]

Turkish pseudo-scientist Harun Yahya (Adnan Oktar) – who has recently gained fresh new following among Pakistani TV news anchors like Shahid Masood and so-called ‘security analysts’ and TV personalities like Zaid Hamid – too has come under the hammer of neo-Islamic rationalists and secularists alike.

The rationalists have accused Yahya of encouraging Muslims to shun secular sciences as if this act of shunning was ordained by God. [28]

Interestingly, unknown to most of his Pakistani followers, Yahya has been a constant receptor of police arrests for various drug and sex related scandals. [29].

Many critics of this trend have described such men as ‘Islamic quacks’ who are discouraging a rational and scientific mindset in present-day Muslims.

Today’s reformists also insist that there never was just one correct way to be a Muslim. As Sardar suggests, the propagation by any group of the single correct way is a totalitarian act. It will eschew plurality, democracy and tolerance, leading the ummah towards a totalitarian situation.

That’s why to modern Islamic scholars like Muhammad Arkun, it is of vital importance that Islamic history and law be critiqued and thoroughly explored in the light of reason and current times. [30]; [31].

According to Arkun, it is only then that reason in Islam can be liberated from man-made dogmatic constructs - constructs that have played the foremost role in derailing Islam from its early philosophical and rational path, landing its fate in the clutches of biased power politics and, eventually, in the gun barrels of the fascistic and irrational mutations of the faith (such as the Taleban and Al-Qaeda).
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
  1. The Forgotten Swamp — Navigating Political Islam: Guilain Denoeux (http://www.mepc.org/journal_vol9/denoeux.pdf)
  2. Islam & Modernity: Fazalur Rahman Malik (http://books.google.com.pk/books?id=FJcyIeHeeZwC&dq=Islam+%26+Modernity+fazlur+rahman&printsec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=gelbRTMzKz&sig=SnwIHjyOPXOJ9Z2CVK9E5cXQ-CU&hl=en&ei=-aksSoyeIpeIkQW8yqjoCg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1)
  3. Encyclopedia of the Middle-East: (Entry) (http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/abul-ala-maududi.htm)
  4. Revisiting Fazalur Rahman’s Ordeal: (Non-Skeptical Essays) (http://hangingodes.wordpress.com/2006/11/10/revisiting-fazlur-rahmans-ordeal/).
  5. Islamic Extremism in Pakistan: Khaled Ahmed (http://www.southasianmedia.net/Magazine/Journal/islamicextremism_pakistan.htm)
  6. Hanafi Madhub: Shaikh Siddiqui (www.islamawareness.net/Madhab/Hanafi/hanafi_intro.html)
  7. Berelvi Islam: (Entry) (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/intro/islam-barelvi.htm) (http://www.geocities.com/pak_history/sufi.html?200622)
  8. Maududi & Islamic Revivalism (Pages : 122-125) : Syd ValiReza Nasr (http://books.google.com.pk/books?id=I07ykFUoKTUC&dq=Mawdudi+and+the+making+of+Islamic+revivalism&printsec=frontcover&source=bn&hl=en&ei=Kb4sSvvuFYrm6gO7-rSDCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5)
  9. The Sufi Movement & Pakistan : (Entry) (http://www.geocities.com/pak_history/sufi.html?200622)
  10. Pakistan’s Pluralist Traditions: Lisa Curtis (http://www.heritage.org/research/asiaandthepacific/bg2268.cfm)
  11. Syed Abul Ala Maududi : Prof. Ziauddin Sardar (http://www.newstatesman.com/200307140017)
  12. Tajdeed O Aya-e-Deen: Abul Ala Maududi (http://www.scribd.com/doc/6800776/Rasayl-Wa-Masayl-4)
  13. How Islam sees itself: Warren Larson (http://www.ciu.edu/library/document/HOW_ISLAM_SEES_ITSELF.pdf)
  14. Radical Islam’s Missing Link: John Shaffer (http://www.pwhce.org/maududi.html)
  15. Munir Report on 1953 Riots: Javaid Aslam. (http://www.civilservice.org.pk/DMGArticles/65_MunirRptRelevance.pdf)
  16. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution (Pages:: Syed Vali Reza (http://www.escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft9j49p32d&chunk.id=ch3&toc.depth=1&toc.id=ch3&brand=eschol;query=IJT#1)
  17. Towards a Fundamentalist State: Bjarne Skov (http://folk.uio.no/bjarnes/urdu/Skov-Zia-ul-haq-04052005.pdf)
  18. Split on the Taliban: Dr. Hassan Askari (Daily Times) (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\05\24\story_24-5-2009_pg3_2)
  19. Rethinking Islam: Prof. Ziauddin Sardar (http://www.islamfortoday.com/sardar01.htm)
  20. FAQ about stoning: (Entry) (http://stop-stoning.org/node/9)
  21. Musharraf Signs Bill: (Dawn). (http://www.dawn.com/2006/12/02/top7.htm)
  22. A Good Decision: (Daily Times Editorial) (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\05\30\story_30-5-2009_pg3_1)
  23. Islam, Its Laws & Society (Page:38): Jamila Hussain (http://books.google.com.pk/books?id=_IdBJ0m53n8C&dq=Islam+its+law+and+society+By+Jamila+Hussain&printsec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=Bc1FtPN8gM&sig=euE1E3Xmge43wa586b08dKMrQl0&hl=en&ei=7_AsSuzMLKbm6gOG8PGBCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1).
  24. Heroin, Taliban & Pakistan: B. Raman (http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/\papers3\paper288.html)
  25. Science and Islamic Philosophy: Ziauddin Sardar (http://www.cgcu.net/imase/islam_science_philosophy.htm)
  26. A Review of Pervez Hoodbhoy’s Islam & Science: Dr. Ahmed Shafaar (http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/hoodbhoy/book_review_islam_science.htm)
  27. Weird Science: Ziauddin Sardar (http://bearsite.info/Articles/Science/Weird%20science.pdf)
  28. Harun Yahya & Islamic Creationism: Francois Tremblay (http://www2.truman.edu/~edis/writings/articles/hyahya.html)
  29. Police cracks down on obscure sect: (Turkish Hurriyat) (http://web.archive.org/web/20010217142739/www.turkeyupdate.com/
    adnan.htm)
  30. Islam-To Subvert or Reform: Muhammad Arkun (http://www.libertybooks.com/books/current-affairs-politics/islam-to-reform-or-to-subvert.html).
  31. Philosophers of Arab: (Entry) (http://www.arabphilosophers.com/English/philosophers/contemporary/contemporary-names/Muhammad_Arakoun/English_Article_Arakoun/English_Article_Arakoun.htm).
©2009 DAWN Media Group. All rights reserved
URL : http://blog.dawn.com:91/dblog/20...s-children/

Friday, May 29, 2009

Another Ahmadi Muslim murdered in Pakistan

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
29 May 2009
PRESS RELEASE

ANOTHER AHMADI MUSLIM MURDERED IN PAKISTAN

It is with great sadness that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that yet another member of its Community has lost his life in a senseless attack in Pakistan. Mian Laiq Ahmad (54), a well known Ahmadi trader in Faisalabad, died earlier today after being brutally attacked last evening. He becomes the 5th Ahmadi to be martyred in 2009 and the 101st to be killed in Pakistan since anti-Ahmadiyya laws were introduced by the Government of General Zia-ul-Haq in 1984.

Yesterday evening the deceased was returning to his home in ‘Peoples Colony’, when he saw a parked Toyota Corolla blocking the road outside his home. As Mr Ahmad neared his home he slowed down and at that point unknown persons jumped out of the Toyota and ran towards his car. It seems that at this point Mr Ahmad tried to reverse but just as he did so he was shot in the head. At that point the attackers closed in on Mr Ahmad and fired repeatedly at his stomach and arms. The assailants then fled the scene.

Mr Ahmad was taken to the local hospital immediately and then transferred to the ‘Allied Hospital’ but was unable to recover and today at 11.30am local time he passed away. Mr Ahmad is survived by his wife, two sons and three daughters.

Currently throughout Pakistan and in particular within the Punjab, anti-Ahmadiyya conferences are taking place on a regular basis. During these conferences audiences are instructed that there is a duty to kill Ahmadis and as a result uneducated yet indoctrinated people are led to believe that the bloodshed of innocent Ahmadis is something that will be greatly rewarded. It is of serious note that yesterday a similar such Khatme Nabuwwat was held near to where the deceased lived.

The International Community, Media and Human Rights organisations are all urged to take action to safeguard the basic human and civil rights of Ahmadi Muslims both in Pakistan and in other countries where they face discrimination. In an era where freedom of religion and belief is accepted as a basic human right throughout the world it is of disbelief that anti-Ahmadiyya legislation is still active and indeed still being enforced in Pakistan.

End of Release
Further Info: Abid Khan (press @ ahmadiyya.org.uk)

Friday, May 22, 2009

Attempt to behead Ahmadi Professor in Pakistan

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
22 May 2009
PRESS RELEASE

ATTEMPT TO BEHEAD AHMADI PROFESSOR IN PAKISTAN

It is with great regret that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that one of its members, Professor Mubashar Ahmad (46) of Chakwaal, Pakistan, was the victim of a brutal and murderous attack last evening. The victim, who is a Professor at the Government Degree College, was attacked in his home by two young males who are students at the local madrassa (Islamic Religious College).

Just after the Maghrib prayer, the two students entered the home of Professor Ahmad and shouted:

“You are a Qadiani and so we have come to kill you.”

In act of gross violence the two students thereafter attempted to kill the victim by cutting off his neck. Professor Ahmad survived the attack however suffered extremely severe injuries. He was rushed to hospital immediately after the assailants fled his home and he remains in a critical condition.

One of the assailants was caught by neighbours of Professor Ahmad and is now in Police custody; the other assailant remains at large.

Grievous attacks on Ahmadis are becoming ever more common in Pakistan. Recently there has been a spate of anti-Ahmadiyya conferences and rallies that have been conducted by religious extremist organisations. Some of these rallies have been supported or even sponsored by the Government of Pakistan.

The Press Secretary of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Abid Khan said:
“It is extremely worrying that anti-Ahmadiyya public rallies are being staged throughout Pakistan and in particular the Punjab. During these conferences audiences are instructed that there is a duty to kill Ahmadis and as a result uneducated yet indoctrinated people are led to believe that the bloodshed of innocent Ahmadis is something that will be greatly rewarded.

This horrific attack on Professor Ahmad is but one example of an Ahmadi being targeted. The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat in Pakistan continually brings incidents like this to the notice of the Pakistani authorities but repeatedly no action is taken. Consequentially the attacks continue to increase and occur with ever greater brutality. These attacks and threats have to stop and the Government must take immediate action to protect its citizens.”
End of Release
Further Info: Abid Khan (press @ ahmadiyya.org.uk / 07795490682)

Note: The term ‘Qadiani’ is often used by non-Ahmadi Muslims to describe members of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat. The term refers to ‘Qadian’ which was the home town of the Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat.

Sunday, May 3, 2009

Institutions and religion

--- Daily Dawn, Pakistan

Institutions and religion

By Kunwar Idris
Sunday, 03 May, 2009 | 08:30 AM PST |

Is Pakistan a failing or a failed state? This question is being asked the world over. Folks at home contemplate the same question in more direct terms: is the country going to break up once again?

A non-committal answer, somewhat like ‘teetering on the brink’, makes everyone get on with business as usual as best as they can. The interests of those abroad and those at home, however, are poles apart.

On behalf of the world, Hillary Clinton is worried about Pakistan’s nuclear weapons falling into the hands of advancing terrorists. The worry at home is less grim but more poignant. People running away from violence in Swat, Dir, Buner and other battlegrounds wait and wonder when they will be able to return home and send their children to school.

The American fear and the misery of the displaced families at home both arise from the inefficiency and indifference of the institutions of the state. Individual ambition and wrong policies have diminished our institutions but they still exist and sometimes make their existence felt as they are deeply rooted in history. Pakistan, therefore, can still pull back from the brink if our political leaders and parties even now concede the fundamental truth that countries are sustained by institutions, howsoever weak, and not by individuals, howsoever strong.

It is for reasons of institutional support that the world at large and the people at home draw comfort from Gen Kayani’s promise of ‘victory against terror and militancy at all costs’ but cynically dismiss the debate in parliament as mere bluff and bluster. The army as an institution has suffered the least damage and has also been able to withstand political onslaught and recover from the humiliation of defeat.

Unlike the armed forces, the political, legislative administrative and judicial institutions are no longer feared or respected. When Prime Minister Gilani feels persuaded to declare that ‘we in parliament are no puppets’ he surely knows that the people think they are. And when an outraged minister, Babar Awan, asserts that the law of Pakistan reigns supreme in Swat despite the special regulation, he knows full well that it does not. Gunmen do not read the law; they see it enforced — but nobody is doing that.

Pakistan remains exposed to all kinds of internal stresses and foreign blackmail because its political leadership has not been able to make certain essential decisions relating to the structure of the government and its policies. All institutions, the Supreme Court included, appear transitory and divided. For more than a year we had a chief justice in office and another riding the crest on the streets.After a long and costly tussle it was agreed by all to restore the parliamentary character of the constitution but the National Assembly after a long, desultory session adjourned without forming an all-party committee which was to review Musharraf’s 17th Amendment that had made it presidential in all but name.

Thus while the parliament is said to be supreme and the prime minister, so to say, is the chief executive, to the people at home and governments abroad it is President Zardari who really matters.

It has also been agreed among all parties that the provinces must get greater autonomy and a new formula is said to have been devised for the distribution of federal revenues among the provinces. But in more than a year not even a tentative move has been seen in that direction. The future shape of the local government and the restoration of the district/divisional administration as it stood before Musharraf disbanded it also remain subject to speculation or haphazard action.

Greater provincial autonomy will surely have a calming effect on the anger and insurgency in Balochistan where time is running out and in fact has run out if Governor Magsi is not being an alarmist. And the political agents in the tribal areas with their enhanced power and prestige can revive the hierarchy of the elders that has broken down under the pressure of armed militants and their doctrinal patrons. The best chance of bringing peace back to the tribal areas and Malakand Division (Swat, Dir, Buner, Chitral, etc.) lies in dealing with the tribes through their own elders following their own traditional codes and treaties with the government — not under special regulations.

The puritanical social values imposed by the militant clerics would give way to normal conservative but tolerant and hospitable behaviour once the tribal hierarchy regains its lost authority. The army can kill or drive away the infiltrating fighters but only an autonomous political service would be able to organise the tribes to exclude the fanatical mullahs from the power structure.

Besides reinstating the rule of power vesting in institutions and not in individuals, parliament and the Supreme Court must undertake a review of the relationship between state and religion. It is hard to deny that violent campaigns for Sharia directly flow from the constitutional provisions that make Islam the state religion and also bind the state to bring all laws ‘in conformity with the injunctions of Islam’. Maulana Sufi Mohammad can justifiably claim to be fulfilling a responsibility that is imposed by the constitution on all citizens.

The path to terror in Swat and elsewhere is blazed by the constitution of Pakistan itself. In Khyber Agency, rival lashkars are pitched against each other with their competing interpretations of Islamic injunctions. Some 35 years ago the parliament of Pakistan determined that the Ahmadiyya community was not Muslim. Is it not poetic justice that Sufi Mohammad should now determine that the lawmakers of Pakistan, one and all, are infidels?

Come to think of it, all parties claiming to be religious are, in fact, sectarian and the Taliban is the most violent manifestation of this. In Pakistan’s political context, faith has proved more divisive than unifying. It is a different matter though of not much concern to Sufi Mohammad that the vast majority does not agree with him on what those injunctions are. Sunnis belonging to what is commonly known as the Barelvi school and Shias (who are believed to be one-fifth of the population) openly denounce Sufi Mohammad’s campaign and accuse the government of abject surrender to his blackmail.

As fanatics make a desperate bid to capture state power and Pakistan’s religious parties and divines watch helplessly, can Hillary Clinton be faulted for imagining that one day, and soon, men like Fazlullah, Baitullah Mehsud and Mullah Omar might be controlling Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal? kunwaridris @ hotmail.com

©2009 DAWN Media Group. All rights reserved
URL : http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/...-and-religion-hs-05

Monday, March 16, 2009

Brutal murder of Ahmadi hubsand and wife in Pakistan [Update]

---Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International

22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
16 March 2009
PRESS RELEASE

Yesterday the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirmed that two of its members in Multan, Dr Shiraz Ahmad Bajwa and Dr Noreen Bajwa, were martyred in a brutal attack at their home in Wapda Colony.

Further details that have since been reported:

Dr Shiraz Bajwa was 37 years old and Dr Noreen Bajwa was 29 years of age. Both persons enjoyed extremely good reputations both professionally and personally. Both were extremely popular amongst their colleagues. Although they had faced threats for some time due to their being Ahmadi, neither of them ever reacted to the provocation that they faced.

On 14 March 2009 both bodies were discovered by their housekeeper at their home. The body of Dr Shiraz Bajwa was found lying in the bedroom, hands tied behind his back, mouth gagged, eyes blindfolded and with visible marks of strangulation apparent. The body of Dr Noreen Bajwa was found in the living room, hands tied behind her back, mouth gagged, blindfolded and bleeding from the nose.

All available evidence clearly demonstrates that this was a case of targeted murder. Both of the deceased were killed because they were Ahmadi Muslims.

These two murders bring the number of Ahmadis killed in Pakistan since 1984 to a staggering total of 100. That was the year when anti-Ahmadiyya laws were passed by the martial regime of President Zia ul Haq.

In 2009 alone 4 Ahmadis have been killed in Pakistan because of their faith.

End of Release
Further info: Abid Khan, (44) 07795490682

Sunday, March 15, 2009

Brutal murder of Ahmadi hubsand and wife in Pakistan

---Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
15 March 2009
PRESS RELEASE

BRUTAL MURDER OF AHMADI HUBSAND AND WIFE IN PAKISTAN


It is with great pain that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that two of its members were brutally murdered in Multan yesterday. The deceased, Dr Shiraz Ahmad Bajwa and Dr Noreen Bajwa were husband and wife and were both trained as doctors. Both martyrs were under the age of forty.

Yesterday at around 3.30pm local time, unknown assailants attacked Dr Shiraz and Dr Noreen at their home in Wapda Colony, Multan Road. The assailants first taped together the hands, feet and mouths of both victims. They then tied rope around their necks and strangled them to death. Following death Dr Shiraj was hung from a nearby fan.

Dr Shiraz was an eye-specialist who had served at various hospitals including the Fazl-e-Umer Hospital in Rabwah. At the time of his death he was working at a hospital in Wapda. Similarly Dr Noreen was working at a local children’s hospital. The Press Spokesman of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Abid Khan said:
“What occurred in Multan yesterday was an act of such cruelty that it can never be comprehended by decent and peace loving people. Dr Shiraz and Dr Noreen had been married for just three years. They had both chosen career paths which allowed them to serve their fellow men, women and children.

Pakistan is a country that is currently facing absolute ruin. Amongst this chaos the hateful acts of religious extremists are ever increasing, to the extent that loving, caring and innocent people are being murdered because they belong to a community whose motto is ‘Love for All, Hatred for None.”
The International Community, Media and Human Rights organisations are all urged to take action to protect the lives and rights of Ahmadi Muslims both in Pakistan and in other countries where they face discrimination. In an era where freedom of religion and belief is accepted as a basic human right throughout the world it is of disbelief that Ahmadi Muslims are being murdered for no other reason than their choice of religion.

End of Release
Further info: Abid Khan, (44) 07795490682

Fifteen Ahmadis charged in Pakistan under Anti-Ahmadiyya Legislation

---Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Ever Merciful
International Press and Media Desk
Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat International
22 Deer Park, London, SW19 3TL
Tel / Fax (44) 020 8544 7613 Mobile (44) 077954 90682
Email: press@ahmadiyya.org.uk
Web: Alislam.org
15 March 2009
PRESS RELEASE

FIFTEEN AHMADIS CHARGED IN PAKISTAN UNDER ANTI-AHMADIYYA LEGISLATION

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat confirms that a police case has been registered against fifteen Ahmadis at Sillanwali Police Station in District Sargodha, Pakistan. The Ahmadis are charged under Section 298C of the Pakistani Penal Code which is specifically an anti-Ahmadiyya piece of legislation. The accused Ahmadis are charged with having a place of worship, which they call a Mosque and use to offer Friday prayers and Eid prayers. Furthermore they are charged with ‘posing’ as Muslims because under the aforementioned Penal Code, Ahmadis are not allowed to class themselves as such.

Three persons, Mr Abdul Aziz, Mr Muhammad Ashraf and Mr Khizer Hayat have already been arrested and police raids are being conducted to in an attempt to arrest the remaining persons.

The background to this incident is that an Ahmadi in Sillanwali, Mr Khan Muhammad owns a few shops adjacent to the Ahmadiyya building, Baitul Zikr. A non-Ahmadi desired to hire these shops; however the owner refused this request, as was his absolute right. Thereafter the non-Ahmadi met with a local Mullah and together they conspired to fabricate a story in order to register a case against local Ahmadis. The complainant in this case is Maulvi Mushtaq.

It is of great regret that the discriminatory laws in place are a tool for religious extremists whose only wish is to deny Ahmadis the right to practice their religion peacefully and free from threats or violence.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat is actively involved in dialogue in an attempt to secure the release of the three Ahmadis and to have the charges dropped, however thus far such attempts have failed. The three men arrested continue to be detained and yesterday a local Judge refused their application for bail.

End of Release
Further info: Abid Khan, press@ahmadiyya.org.uk / (44) 07795490682

Saturday, February 14, 2009

Ahmadis held without any evidence of blasphemy

--- HRCP

Press Releases
Ahmadis held without any evidence of blasphemy

Press Release, February 12, 2009

LAHORE: Five Ahmadis detained on charges of blasphemy in Layyah district have been held without virtually any proof or witnesses, the Human Rights Commission (HRCP) said on Thursday.

The commission, which had sent a fact-finding team to Layyah district last week, said its findings concluded that an investigation, mandated by law prior to the registration of a blasphemy case, was also not held.

The HRCP team learned that a prayer leader in the village had allowed Ahmadi students from a nearby tuition centre to offer prayers in his mosque. The students were later threatened by a government schoolteacher and never went to the mosque again. Around 10 days later, some villagers claimed finding blasphemous writings in the mosque’s toilet.

In the First Information Report (FIR), the complainant said: “Since these Ahmadis are the only non-Muslims coming to the mosque, therefore they must have committed the offence.” The ‘argument’ was heard time and again during the HRCP team’s interviews with the mosque administration, some villagers and the local police.

The police and villagers conceded that there were no witnesses or evidence of the Ahmadis’ involvement. The HRCP team found elements belonging to banned extremist organizations and a relative of the National Assembly member from the area had pressurised the police to register a case. “It is clear that a local politician has also used his influence” to book the Ahmadis, the commission’s report said.

HRCP said the complainant and his extremist supporters are adamant that the Ahmadis should be punished on the basis of presumption.

HRCP has demanded a prompt and transparent investigation into the matter to ensure that innocent people are not victimised. It has also demanded the government must ensure that the Ahmadiyya community in the village is not harassed or ostracized. The Commission has also asked the government to take prompt measures to rule out misuse of the blasphemy law.

The detailed fact-finding report can be accessed at the HRCP website: http://www.hrcp-web.org/

Asma Jahangir
Chairperson


URL: www.hrcp-web.org/print.cfm?proId=685

Filing of blasphemy charges against 5 Ahmadis in Layyah district - HRCP

Fact-Finding
Filing of blasphemy charges against 5 Ahmadis in Layyah district

Layyah,2 February 2009

Background


On January 29, 2009, the print and electronic media reported that a case for blasphemy had been registered against five persons of the Ahmadiyya community under Section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) in Kot Sultan police station of Layyah district. A complaint lodged with the police accused five Ahmadis of writing the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) on the walls of the mosque's toilet in village 172/TDA. The accused named in the First Information Report (FIR) included minor males and matriculation students. All accused subsequently voluntarily appeared before the police and were arrested. The accused denied the allegations vehemently.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) sent a fact-finding mission to Layyah on February 1-2, 2009 to verify the facts. The mission included Mr. Mehboob Ahmad Khan (HRCP legal officer), Mr. Nadeem Anthony (HRCP Council member), Mr. Irfan Barkat (human rights activist), Mr. Munawar Ali Shahid (journalist/HRCP member), Mr. Waqar Gillani (journalist), Mr. Abdul Manan (journalist), Mr. Asif Yaqoob (activist) and Mr. Fareedullah (journalist). During its visit to Layyah, the HRCP team met villagers, members of the Ahmadiyya community and the local administration.

The village

The alleged incident occurred in village 172/TDA, which has a population of approximately 1,000 persons. Most of the villagers belong to the Sunni Barelvi sect and there is only one mosque, Gulzar-e-Madina mosque, in the village, located 40 kilometres northwest of Layyah. The majority of the village population consists of farmers. Around half a dozen families of the Ahmadiyya community reside here.

The accused
































S.No
Name
Father’s name
Age
Description
1
Muhammad Irfan
Mukhtar Ahmad
14
Student of 9th grade
2
Tahir Imran
Abdul Gaffhar
19
Student of 10th grade
3
Tahir Mehmood
Muhammad Aslam
19
Student of 10th grade
4
Naseeb Ahmad
Zafarullah
16
Student of 10th grade
5
Mubashir Ahmad
Muhammad Ramzan
50
Labourer



The charges

The FIR — No. 46/09 dated January 28, 2009 – does not mention the date or time when the alleged blasphemous act purportedly took place. The complainant is Mr. Liaquat Ali, a resident of village 172/TDA. The accused are charged under Section 295-C of the PPC.

According to the FIR: “A few days prior to the lodging of the FIR, Mr. Muhammad Safdar - a resident of Chak 173/TDA - saw the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) written in the mosque’s toilet. He told the prayer leader, Qari Muhammad Saeed, about the writing. The prayer leader said he knew about the writing and was probing the matter. The prayer leader scratched the name from the toilet’s walls. Thereafter, an employee of Government High School Chak 172/TDA, Shahbaz Qasim, also saw the writing in the toilet. Qasim told his father Noor Elahi Kaulachi who contacted Union Nazim Syed Ghazanfar Abbas. The nazim asked his secretary Mr. Ehsan to probe the matter. Kaulachi, who is a retired teacher, along with residents of villages 171/TDA, 172/TDA, 173/TDA and 174/TDA contacted Syed Iqbal Shah who made a telephone call to police station in-charge who visited the village. When Hakeem Muhammad Hanif, Safdar Mahr and Shahbaz Qasim tried to probe the incident they learned that four students from the Ahmadiyya community – Mohammad Irfan, Tahir Imran, Tahir Mehmood and Naseeb Ahmed - used to offer prayers in the mosque and used the toilets there. Mubasher Ahmed, another Ahmadi, was also seen offering Friday prayers in the mosque. Shahbaz Qasim stopped the Ahmadis from offering prayers in the mosque, due to which they [the accused] tried to create trouble. We [the complainant and other villagers] suspect since these Ahmadis are the only non-Muslims coming to the mosque, therefore they must have committed the offence.”

On January 29, 2009, the day following the FIR’s registration, some journalists visited the area and others telephoned local residents to learn about the situation.

Mr. Abdul Hameed Bhutta, naib nazim Union Council 172/TDA

Mr. Abdul Hameed Bhutta - naib nazim of Union Council 172/TDA, and president of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Layyah chapter - told the HRCP team that his Union Council was very peaceful and had religious harmony. He said he was not fully aware about the incident but added that the charge must be investigated in an unbiased manner and the culprits punished. However, he emphasized that innocent people should not be made to suffer. He said the person who had instigated action against the Ahmadis had been a member of a banned militant organization, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and later jointed another banned extremist outfit, the Jamaatud Dawa.

Mr. Masood Ahmed, representative of the Ahmadiyya community in Layyah

Mr. Masood Ahmed told the HRCP team that six Ahmadi families have been living in village 172/TDA for over 50 years and had had no dispute or enmity with any other community. Ahmadis have always been helpful towards the local residents. Some years ago, Mr. Noor Elahi Kaulachi asked the Ahmadiyya community for religious literature, which was not given to him. He continued to try and find ways and issues to harass and pressurize the Ahmadis. Kaulachi is a member of a banned extremist organisation. Four Ahmadis who were named in the FIR were students of Superior Academy in the village. The academy’s principal Mr. Niaz Kherani had requested the prayer leader at the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque to allow the Ahmadi students to offer prayers there and the prayer leader had said he would had no objections to that. The Ahmadis offered their prayers in the mosque for less than a week when Qasim Shahbaz stopped them from praying there. This was around 10 days before the blasphemy complaint was lodged with the police. The Ahmadi students did not go to the mosque again. The four students informed the Superior Academy principal that they had been barred from the mosque. The principal forbid them from going to the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque again.

Mr. Kaulachi instigated Mr. Syed Iqbal Shah, a local influential and a relative of the National Assembly member from the area – to register a blasphemy case against Ahmadis. Some Ahmadis also met Syed Iqbal Shah to clarify their position, but Shah preferred to believe the version of the local residents who back his family in the elections. Ahmadis are not even registered as voters. After the registration of the case, the Ahmadiyya community voluntarily handed over all the nominated accused to the police. Mr. Masood Ahmed said that he had met the four Ahmadi students and the fifth accused, Mubashir Ahmad, separately in police lockups. All the students assured Mr. Masood that they had not written the Prophet’s name in the mosque’s toilets nor committed any other crime and said they did not know who was responsible for the writing in the toilet. The students said that their matriculation examination was due to begin on March 4 and requested Mr. Masood to bring them their books to allow them to prepare for the examination. According to Mr. Masood, Mr. Mubashir, the fifth accused, said he was innocent and was worried about the situation.

Saddar police station, Layyah

The accused were transferred from Kot Sultan police station - around 20 kilometers from the village - to Saddar police station in Layyah city. The HRCP team went to the police station and requested permission to talk to the accused, but Station House Officer (SHO) Manzoor Ahmed turned down the request. The SHO met the HRCP team on the road in front of the police station and said he was only responsible for the custody of the accused since it was not his police station’s case.

Dr Muhammad Azam, Layyah district police officer (DPO)

On February 2, 2009, the HRCP team telephoned Layyah DPO Dr Muhammad Azam for an interview. The DPO asked the team to meet him at the office of the National Database and Registration Authority at 11am. The team reached the office at 10:40am and waited for the DPO to arrive until 12:10pm but the DPO did not show up, nor allowed the team access to the accused. Later, he switched off his cell phone. The team again telephoned the DPO at 5pm, when he said that he was preoccupied and could not see the team. The HRCP team felt the DPO was avoiding a meeting with them.

Mr. Khalid Rauf, SHO Kot Sultan police station

The HRCP team met Kot Sultan police station SHO Khalid Rauf to ask him about the case. Mr. Rauf said it is correct that Syed Iqbal Shah (an uncle of local parliamentarian Syed Saqlain Shah from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz) contacted him on the phone for the registration of a blasphemy case and asked me to visit the place of occurrence. After Shah’s call, the SHO said he contacted DPO Dr Muhammad Azam who permitted him to register the case. He conceded that the law requires that an inquiry by a superintendent of police (SP) must be conducted about the occurrence before the registration of a case on charges of blasphemy. However, he added that an SP Investigation had not been appointed to the district for over two years, therefore, an investigation prior to the registration of the case could not be conducted. Now, the SP Investigation of Rajanpur district has been assigned to oversee the investigation of the case. SHO Khalid Rauf said he had visited the village and examined the place of occurrence. He said he found no eyewitnesses or any other evidence in the case and the FIR was based on suspicion about the accused. He said he saw reason in the stance of the complainant and the local residents that no Muslim can write the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) on a toilet’s walls. When asked if an Ahmadi could do such a thing, he refused to answer.

Qari Muhammad Saeed, prayer leader of Gulzar-e-Madina mosque


The HRCP team subsequently proceeded to the village 172/TDA. As the team talked to Qari Saeed outside the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque, a crowd of over 100 villagers assembled there. Qari Saeed told the HRCP team that some of the villagers using the toilets had previously written obscenities there, at times also abusing the villagers by name. He said he had had the writings erased a number of times. He said that Ahmadi students from Superior Academy had offered their prayers in the mosque for some days, and that the academy’s principal also knew that. When the Ahmadi students were stopped from offering their prayers in the mosque, they never went there again. He said that he did not know the fifth accused, Mubashir Ahmad, and had never seen him in the mosque. He added that nobody knows who wrote the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) on the toilet walls but the police had not asked him any questions as Shahbaz Qasim had advised him to remain absent from the mosque when the police came to inspect the site. While interviewing Qari Saeed, the team saw a banner at the mosque’s entrance announcing a Khatam-e-Nabuwat (finality of prophethood) Conference to be held in the mosque on 9th February, 2009. Qari Saeed said he did not know anything about the conference and outsiders had put up the banner without the knowledge or permission of the mosque committee. Qari Saeed added that on January 27, 2009, Shahbaz Qasim had forced him to join a press conference on the village road at 11:00pm to mobilize the people from the locality for the registration of a case against members of the Ahmadiyya community.

Haji Abdul Hakeem, vice president Gulzar-e-Madina mosque committee

Haji Abdul Hakeem, vice president of the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque committee, supported Qari Saeed’s statement and added that he was not certain that the Ahmadi students had written the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) on the toilet walls because no evidence was available in this regard. He said he condemned the action, irrespective of the perpetrator. Haji Hakeem said that individuals from Chowk Azam town had visited the village and put up the banner at the mosque entrance regarding the February 9 conference. He said no one had sought permission from the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque committee — responsible for the mosque’s affairs — for holding the conference there. Meanwhile, some individuals in the crowd angrily disagreed with Haji Abdul Hakeem and shouted that the committee was informed about the holding of the conference, to which Haji Hakeem suddenly said: “Yes. Yes. The mosque committee was informed.”

Mr. Niaz Kherani, principal Superior Academy, village 172/TDA

Mr. Kherani also joined the crowd as the HRCP team talked to the mosque administration. Initially, Mr. Kherani started shouting apparently with a view to disrupt the fact-finding. However, later he agreed to give his version of the events to the HRCP team. He said he runs Superior Academy, a private tuition centre, along with his partner Mr. Asif. Kherani told the team that he did not discriminate on the basis of religion in admitting students to his academy. He said the academy has two sections – one for females and the other for male students. Since there is no toilet in the male section, male students used the toilets of the nearby Gulzar-e-Madina mosque. The Ahmadiyya students offered their prayers in the academy premises but Mr. Niaz said he had recently advised the Ahmadi students to offer their prayers in the mosque. He said the prayer leader of the mosque had permitted that and none of the worshipper had objected to the Ahmadis offering their prayers in the mosque either. Niaz said that around 10 days before the registration of the case, the Ahmadi students told him that Shahbaz Qasim, a teacher in the village’s government high school, stopped them from visiting the mosque. Niaz says that he advised the students not to visit the mosque any more. He added that on January 27, 2009, Shahbaz Qasim organized a press conference on the road of the village where Niaz urged the local residents persons not to lodge a case against the Ahmadi students on alleged blasphemy charges, because no witness or evidence was available against the Ahmadi students. He said he had assured the residents that he knew the students personally and could vouch that they would never do such a thing. He said the Ahmadi and other students often remained at the academy until late nights as they prepared for their annual matriculation examination, due in the first week of March 2009. However, he added that subsequently he became convinced that no Muslim could be disrespectful towards the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), therefore he concluded that non-Muslims (Ahmadis) must have done it.

Niaz conceded that no evidence was available against the Ahmadis named in the FIR and that they were trying their best to identify the perpetrator/s.

Parents of the DEATINED Ahmadi students

Members of the local Ahmadiyya community and parents of the four Ahmadi students in police custody said they are law abiding citizens, but added that they knew they were vulnerable being Ahmadis. They told the HRCP team that Superior Academy was constructed on land owned by two Ahmadis – Aslam Cheema and Sufi Nasir – and Niaz had rented the land and paid Rs 10,000 in advance for the construction and it was understood that this amount would be deducted from the rent. They said Ahmadi children offered their prayers in the mosque close to the academy on the advice of Niaz and following permission from the prayer leader. They added that when Shahbaz Qasim stopped the children from visiting the mosque, they strictly forbid the children from ever going there for fear of any problem for their community. They said they also met Niaz who assured them that he would also make sure that the Ahmadi children did not visit the mosque again. They said that they were thankful to the police and the local administration for preventing anti-Ahmadiyya elements from torching their houses, but added that they still felt vulnerable. They said the Ahmadiyya community was facing a social boycott and shopkeepers in the village refuse to deal with them.

Mrs. Karimaan, wife of accused Mubashir

Mrs. Kareeman, wife of the fifth accused Mubashir Ahmed told the team that her husband was innocent and would never commit blasphemy. Mubashir had never been to the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque. She added that she was stopped from collecting fodder for her cattle from a field her husband had leased.

Concluding observations:

  1. The four Ahmadi students did visit the Gulzar-e-Madina mosque to offer prayers for some days but only after they were advised to do so by their teacher.
  2. The four students never visited the mosque again after a government school teacher stopped them from going there.
  3. No evidence is available against the accused, who were arrested after the case was registered. The police and the villagers concede that there is no witness or evidence of the Ahmadis’ involvement in the alleged blasphemy.
  4. Prior to the arrest of the accused, no investigation was carried out by the SP investigation, as required by the law.
  5. A press conference at late at night on January 27th by the complainant and his supporters, belonging to banned religious organizations, shows that undue influence was exerted by religious and political elements to pressure the police into registering a case.
  6. Almost all the extremists urging action against the Ahmadis are not natives of the village.
  7. The principal of a tuition centre changed his version about the Ahmadi students’ innocence after the registration of the FIR, apparently to protect his business as he continues to use the academy premises, owned by members of the Ahmadiyya community, without paying rent.
  8. The complainant and his extremist supporters are adamant that the Ahmadis should be punished on the basis of presumption.
  9. It is clear a local politician has also used his influence.
Recommendations
  1. An transparent and fair investigation must be carried out as soon as possible in the interest of justice to ensure that innocent people are not victimized.
  2. The media should visit the village, not only to highlight the case but also to educate the people about the abuse of the blasphemy law.
  3. The federal government must act to ensure that laws on the statue books are not abused to harass citizens.
  4. The Punjab government should take notice of this case, which is a clear example of the misuse of blasphemy law, and ensure that measures are taken to ensure justice to the accused.
  5. The government must also take all actions within its powers to ensure that the Ahmadiyya community in the village is not harassed or ostracized.
  6. The Punjab government must instantly appoint an SP Investigation to Layyah district, where the position has been vacant for at least two years.
Update

After four days in police custody, the accused were sent to the judicial lockups of Dera Ghazi Khan district’s prison on February 4, 2009. They continue to be confined there.

URL: http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpDetail_2.cfm?catId=181&catNam...ctfinding#Filindistrict
 
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