Another Ahmadi Muslim killed in Pakistan

5th September 2011 PRESS RELEASE

Another Ahmadi Muslim killed in Pakistan

Naseem Ahmad Butt (55), was martyred in Faisalabad

It is with great sadness that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat hereby confirms that on 4 September 2011, a well-known and respected Ahmadi Muslim, Mr Naseem Ahmad Butt (55), was martyred in Faisalabad, Pakistan.

Naseem Ahmad Butt was sleeping in his home in Muzzaffar Colony, Faisalabad when four unknown assailants jumped over the wall of his home and fired at him. He was shot in his stomach and chest. The assailants immediately fled the scene.

Naseem Ahmad Butt was left critically injured and was taken to hospital. Despite attempts to revive him, he passed away at approximately 9am local time.

Naseem Ahmad Butt was a peaceful and law abiding citizen who was kind and generous to all. He served the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat with great distinction throughout his life.

He is survived by his wife, four daughters and one son. He has been buried at Bahishti Maqbara, Rabwah.

The Press Spokesman of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Abid Khan said:

“The religious extremists within Pakistan have taken yet another innocent life. What they perhaps fail to realise is that through their actions they are harming the entire peace and stability of Pakistan as a whole. Hatred and persecution of any organisation or group must be condemned by all those who believe in tolerance and love for humanity. Such attacks serve only to destabilise society and to spread discord”

This latest murder continues the trend of Ahmadi Muslims being targeted in Faisalabad. One year ago, a cousin of the deceased, Mr Naseer Ahmad Butt was also martyred in a brutal and barbaric fashion. Furthermore, recently leaflets were openly distributed in the city, stating that the killing of Ahmadi Muslims was worthy of praise and would be rewarded by God. These leaflets contained the names and addresses of various Ahmadi Muslims and it seems that this latest killing was likely motivated by such hate propaganda.

The International Community, Media and Human Rights organisations are all urged to take action to safeguard the basic human and civil rights of Ahmadi Muslims both in Pakistan and in other countries where they face discrimination. In an era where freedom of religion and belief is accepted as a basic human right throughout the world it is of disbelief that anti-Ahmadiyya legislation is still active and indeed still being enforced in Pakistan. If such hatred and sectarianism is allowed to continue then it is inevitable that further tragedies will occur.

22 Deer Park Road, London, SW19 3TL UK
Tel/Fax: 020 8544 7613 Mob: 077954 90682
Email: press @ ahmadiyya.org.uk
Press Secretary AMJ International

Another Ahmadi Muslim killed in Pakistan

13th July 2011 PRESS RELEASE

Another Ahmadi Muslim killed in Pakistan

Hatred against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat in Pakistan continues to spread and leads to such tragic incidents

It is with great sadness that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat hereby confirms that on 11 July 2011, a well-known and respected Ahmadi lawyer, Mr Malik Mabroor Ahmad (50), was martyred in Nawab Shah, Sindh.

At approximately 8.15pm local time, Malik Mabroor Ahmad was shot point blank near his office by an unidentified gunman. Upon hearing the gunfire, the brother of the deceased, Malik Waseem Ahmad, rushed to the scene, however by the time he had arrived Malik Mabroor Ahmad had already passed away.

Malik Mabroor Ahmad was a peaceful and law abiding citizen and a renowned lawyer. He is survived by his wife, three sons and two daughters.

The spokesman for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Abid Khan said:

“Hatred against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat in Pakistan continues to spread and leads to such tragic incidents. Hatred and persecution of any organisation or group must be condemned by all those who believe in tolerance and love for humanity. Such attacks serve only to destabilise society and to spread discord.”

Malik Mabroor Ahmad was very well respected amongst the local community and was known for his kindness. He served the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat with great distinction throughout his life.

A number of prominent Ahmadi Muslims have been martyred in Sindh Province over the past few years but those responsible have not been brought to justice and remain at large.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat calls on the international community and media to highlight the continued persecution of minorities in Pakistan. If such hatred and sectarianism is allowed to continue then it is inevitable that further tragedies will occur.

22 Deer Park Road, London, SW19 3TL UK
Tel/Fax: 020 8544 7613 Mob: 077954 90682
Email: press @ ahmadiyya.org.uk
Press Secretary AMJ International

After the attack: a victim of the Lahore attack remembers

After the attack: a victim of the Lahore attack remembers

by Sonya Rehman
A graduate from the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism who works as a freelance journalist for The Express Tribune and various publications in Lahore.
Saturday, 25 September 2010

Women mourn the loss of relatives after the attack on May 28 PHOTO: REUTERS

You read stories of violence and atrocities committed on faceless Pakistanis in your local newspapers on a daily basis. You absorb the news as detached consumers. Empathy and even hints of grief might stir your heart while reading a poignant story every once in a while, but try as you might, you will never be able to relate to the victims and those directly involved – because you were never there. It didn’t happen to you or, anyone you know. And for that, you’re almost relieved. Yet guiltily so.

But what would happen, if one day, you or your loved ones were victims of a cruel, intolerant act of violence? And what if, someone you knew and loved deeply was taken away from you, within a mere few agonising hours?

What then? How would you survive the horror?

Settled abroad with her husband, Irum received a phone call from her distraught sibling. It was the 28 day of May – this year – a Friday. Back home in Pakistan, it was 2:30pm. Two Ahmadi places of worship in Lahore were under siege by terrorists, and Irum’s father was in one of them – Darul Zikar, a place that Irum for many years, used to frequent with her family on Friday for prayers, and over Eid, as a young girl.

Prior to her sibling’s phone call, “Abu” had called Irum’s mother and told his wife that he was injured. He’d been shot in his left foot. After telling his wife to remain calm, Irum’s mother heard a series of gun shots. Then, the line went dead.

Abroad, Irum watched the television in horror – live visuals of the attack were being shown on the BBC. Three hours later, after the attack was over, Irum’s father could not be found. Family members searched hospitals, but to no avail.

Hours later at 10:00pm, Irum’s father had been located. His body was found at a local hospital. “I was half expecting it since there had been no news,” Irum said, “But when my brother-in-law called me, I fell to the floor and wept. God knows how many hours I wept for.”

Irum immediately left for Pakistan. The journey home was wretched.“For many nights which followed, I had haunting nightmares that I was in there too, and that a bullet had hit my leg,” she stated, “A few times I dreamt that I was in there and that I had covered my father and the bullet had hit my back instead of his foot, and that he was safe.”

In the days, weeks and months that have followed after the incident, Irum and her family, in their grief, gain strength from the fact that along with them, eighty-five other families suffer the loss of their loved ones. It is in this grief that they have sought some resilience and patience to endure their personal tragedy.

“After my father’s death,” Irum said, “My first reaction was that I didn’t want to live here anymore. Lahore has always been my favourite place in the world. But now it has become a place where my father was brutally killed. And no one came to help. Imagine how the mother of those two brothers killed in Sialkot must be feeling about her city and her fellow citizens. That’s how I feel. No one helped; they all gathered around their TV sets and watched the show – just like the mob in Sialkot.”

After speaking with an uncle, who was in Darul Zikr at the time of the attack, Irum informed me that there were five to six terrorists in the building. “They first burned the cars outside,” she said, “Then they came inside, opening fire on anyone in sight. One guy climbed up on the minaret and remained there till the end – he would shoot anyone he saw below in the courtyard.”

In the hall where her father was, two men broke in, spraying bullets. Then, one of them went to the hall on the first floor and started throwing hand-grenades from above, into the hall below. At one point, one of the attacker’s placed a grenade at the feet of an old man. “He was sitting on a chair,” Irum said, “My uncle watched from a distance as the grenade went off.”

“This entire incident has scarred us badly,” Irum stated. “Three Ahmadis have been killed since the attack on the May 28. One in Narowal, and two in Sindh. So you can imagine how unsafe we feel.”

After the tragedy, Irum and her family have begun to follow strict safety measures. “There are many Ahmadis in Lahore who are getting threatening phone calls and their homes have been marked with red ink as targets,” she said, “Basically every Ahmadi in Pakistan is practicing his/her faith under the dark shadow of terror, at the risk of their lives…but we’re holding on.”

URL: http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/1813/after-the-attack...e-attack-remembers/

PAKISTAN: Two more Ahmadis murdered in target killings

Asian Human Rights Commission — Statement

PAKISTAN: Two more Ahmadis murdered in target killings

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-178-2010
August 23, 2010

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

PAKISTAN: Two more Ahmadis murdered in target killings

Two more Ahmadis, Dr. Najam al-Hasan and Pir Habib al-Rehman have been murdered in religiously motivated killings. Once again, no one has been arrested and the likelihood of anyone being prosecuted is virtually nil.

Dr. al-Hasan was leaving his clinic in Karachi, the capital of Sindh province, and had just entered his car when he was shot dead by a group of assailants, who remain unidentified. Dr. al-Hasan was just 39 years old and a professor at the Dow Medical University, Karachi.

Pir Habib-al-Rehman, a resident of Sanghar city, Sindh province, was on his way to his farm when two masked assailants approached his vehicle and shot him twice. One of the shots fired struck his head. He was rushed to the hospital but was pronounced dead on arrival. Pir Habib al-Rehman was a US citizen and had been in Pakistan on personal business. He is the second US citizen in two years to be killed for being an Ahmadi. In 2006 Pir Habib’s brother, Dr. Pir Mujeeb al-Rehman, was also killed for being an Ahmadi Muslim in Sanghar city. Previously in September, 2008, Dr. Abdul Mannan Siddiqi, also a US citizen, was brutally killed in Mirpurkhas.

Since the anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX in 1984, 20 Ahmadi doctors have been killed in sectarian attacks, ten of whom were murdered in Sindh province. Dr. Najam al-Hasan becomes the second Ahmadi to be killed in Karachi this year because of his religion. Such violence is a result of the continuing hatred that is spread throughout Pakistan against Ahmadiyya Muslims.

Violent assaults against Ahmadis are carried out in the name of religion and all too often they are premeditated and well organised. It is most unfortunate that certain parts of the media in Pakistan are being used to incite the sentiments of people against Ahmadis and inflame the already raging fire of sectarianism in the country. It is unacceptable that some of the main media and press is aiding the fundamentalist and extremist agenda by openly declaring Ahmadis to be Wajibul Qatl (must be murdered) which is leading to the deaths of innocent Pakistanis. The fundamentalists encourage these deaths by claiming that the killers will be entitled to place in heaven.

The recent attacks on Ahmadis in Lahore have shown that it is open season for extremist and fundamentalist mullahs to spill their venom against Ahmadis which has resulted in the persecution of Ahmadis in various cities and towns of Pakistan. This lack of law and order is resulting in increasing agitation and lawlessness in Pakistan which does not bode well for the country moving forward.

It is also deplorable to learn that during the current national emergency (flooding) Ahmadi victims have been denied aid and have been turned away from shelters. In view of the fact that the government of Pakistan has been asking for millions of dollars in international aid they have a duty to explain this to the funding countries. The aid is being provided for all Pakistanis and this includes the extremists, fundamentalists, Ahmadis and Christians alike. The AHRC calls on the government of Pakistan to end this inhumane and barbaric treatment.

The AHRC urges the authorities in Pakistan to safeguard the security and dignity of all its citizens irrespective of race, religion or creed. In particular it is the Ahmadis who have been denied basic fundamental human rights and whose tormentors and killers are never brought to justice.

In the case of the recent killings the government of Pakistan must show its sincerity to the world and the countries funding the aid by ensuring that minority groups will receive the same degree of aid that the majority are receiving. The killers of Dr. Najam al-Hasan and Pir Habib al-Rehman must be brought to justice.

# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

URL: www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2010statements/2763/

Ahmedis’ assailants jailed on judicial remand

Ahmedis’ assailants jailed on judicial remand

Upadated on: 28 Jun 10 05:11 PM

Staff Report

LAHORE: Assailants of the Ahmedi places of worship in Lahore were presented in the anti-terrorism court Monday, where they were sentenced to be jailed on judicial remand.

The culprits were brought to the court again after a 10-day physical remand.

Both terrorists were caught by worshippers while they were attacking the Ahmedi place of worship at Model Town.

According to the police, Abdullah alias Mohammad belongs to Rahimyar Khan and was trained at Miranshah. He will be brought to court again on July 12 after a 14-day judicial remand.

The other bomber, 20-year-old Mooaz was from southern Punjab, and was earlier identified as Ameer Moavia.

Police also recovered explosive material from the culprits.

Gunmen attacked the Ahmedi places of worship in Model Town and Garhi Shahu on May 29.

Punjab police spokesman DIG Akram Naeem Bharoka told reporters that 79 people had died and 107 injured. However, a spokesman for the Jamaat-i-Ahmadiya Pakistan said that 95 people had lost their lives.

Deputy commissioner of Lahore Sajjad Bhutta said that the death toll at Garhi Shahu was higher because three attackers blew themselves up with suicide vests packed with explosives when police tried to enter the building.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) said it had warned of threats against the Ahmadi community centre in Lahore for more than a year and demanded “foolproof security and protection” from the government.

It expressed concern over “the increasing sectarian dimension” of militancy in Pakistan, which it called “a big security threat to the entire society”.

Police arrested three suspects on information provided by Abdullah. Abdullah identified the two other men who blew themselves up in Garhi Shahu as Darwaish of Swat and Mansoor of Waziristan.

Abdullah also said that he and three others were sent for the two missions by Badar Mansoor, the head of the Punjabi Taliban group in Waziristan.

The DIG said that the arrest of the two bombers had revealed their network’s link with the TTP and police would be able to reach others. He said that militants were in the habit of forming new groups.

This was the worst attack in Pakistan since March 12 suicide attacks seconds apart killed 57 people in Lahore while targeting the Pakistani military.

Nine attacks have now killed more than 220 people in Lahore over the past year, a historical city, residence for the elite and home to many top officials of the Pakistan military and intelligence establishment. SAMAA

URL: www.samaa.tv/News21825-Ahmedis_assailants_to_be_presented_in_court.aspx

Why Pakistan's Ahmadi community is officially detested

Page last updated at 15:01 GMT, Wednesday, 16 June 2010 16:01 UK

Why Pakistan’s Ahmadi community is officially detested

By Mohammed Hanif
BBC News, Karachi

	More than 80 Ahmadis were killed last months in two atacks in Lahore

When a Pakistani Muslim applies for a passport or national ID card, they are asked to sign an oath that no Muslim anywhere in the world is asked to sign.

The oath goes like this: “I consider Mirza Ghulam Ahmad an impostor prophet. And also consider his followers, whether belonging to the Lahori or Qadiani group, to be non-Muslims.”

Like millions of other Pakistanis, I have signed this oath several times without giving much thought to exactly what Mr Ahmad stands for, or what the technical difference between Lahoris or Qadianis is. I want my passport, and if I have to sign up to a fatwa to get it, so be it.

But like millions of people from my generation I also remember that when I was growing up, the minority Ahmadi sect were considered just another Muslim sect.

Non-Muslims

Like scores of others I had friends who were Ahmadis. We played cricket together, and sometimes, when our parents ordered us off to the mosque, we even prayed side by side.

	Ahmadis are despised by many Pakistanis

Last month, when more than 90 Ahmadis were massacred in two mosques in Lahore, I remembered the precise moment in 1974 when it all began to change.

There were street protests by religious parties against Ahmadis demanding that they should be declared non-Muslims.

One day I saw some bearded activists standing outside a clothes merchant’s shop in our town, chanting anti-Ahmadi slogans and turning customers away, telling them that buying clothes from Ahmadis was haram - forbidden.

At the time I was learning to memorise the Koran from a very kind, mild-mannered teacher.

I asked him what exactly was wrong with the Ahmadis.

He explained to me that they didn’t believe that the Prophet Muhammad was the last and the final messenger.

I said OK, maybe that makes them kafirs, infidels, but who says that kafirs can’t sell cloth?

My teacher’s response was a full-handed slap, so sudden, so unexpected that it rang in my ears for days to come.

That same year Pakistan’s first elected parliament declared Ahmadis non-Muslims.

Then in 1984 Pakistan’s military dictator and self-appointed guardian of the faith General Zia-ul-Haq inserted that oath in the constitution that we are all required to sign.

Because of the new laws, Ahmadis have been sent to prison simply for using the Muslim greeting Assalamu alaikum, or putting a Koranic verse in a greeting card.

Heretic

Over the last three decades the hatred against Ahmadis has become so widespread that Pakistan is now embarrassed by the only Nobel laureate it has ever produced.

	Attacks on Ahmadis are beconing increasingly commonplace

Dr Abdus Salam Khan won the Nobel Prize for physics and, as a proud Pakistani, accepted his award in national dress.

But he was an Ahmadi so there is no monument to celebrate him, no universities named after him.

The word “Muslim” on his gravestone has been erased. Even the town he is buried in has been renamed in an attempt to erase our collective memory.

This hatred was evident in the reactions to the massacre.

TV channels were more obsessed with making sure that in their broadcasts Ahmadi mosques were called “places of worship”.

When you refuse to call a place of worship by its proper name, you are implying that it’s not a mosque, it’s not a church, it’s not a synagogue, it’s a place where godless people do godless things.

And all the various Islamic political parties, whose leaders often refuse to pray together, are united on this.

When Pakistan’s main opposition leader Nawaz Sharif used the phrase “our brothers” for the murdered Ahmadis, leaders from 11 political parties came together to condemn him and threatened to issue a fatwa declaring him a heretic.

Over the last three decades the siege has been so palpable that those Ahmadis who couldn’t afford to emigrate have taken to hiding their identity.

If you want to destroy someone in public life it’s enough to drop a hint that they are Ahmadi.

In the 1980s, the former chief minister of Punjab and current federal minister didn’t attend his own mother’s funeral because there were rumours that she was an Ahmadi.

When the funerals of the massacred Ahmadis took place there were no officials, no politicians present.

Pakistan’s liberal bloggers and some English-language columnists did write along the lines that Ahmadi blood is on our hands.

Others were adamant that it was yet another Friday, yet another massacre by the Pakistani Taliban, and we should just fight this sort of terrorism and leave the sectarian debates alone.

Two incidents in the past week made me realise how pathological our response was. At a vigil to mark the massacre, where a handful of people had turned up, a passer-by asked me “Are you an Ahmadi?” My own loud and aggressive denial surprised me.

Then an Ahmadi friend whose father survived the Lahore massacre wrote to me saying: “You know we have been living like this for decades. [Did] something like this have to happen for you to speak up?”

URL: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/8744092.stm

Pak heartland under attack

Wednesday, June 16, 2010,
Rajab-ul-Murajjab 02, 1431 

Pak heartland under attack

Random Thoughts

Burhanuddin Hasan

This is the first time that radical terrorists in Punjab operating under the command of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi attacked two places of worship of Ahmadis in Lahore killing around 97 innocent people offering their prayers according to their faith. Ahmadia movement headed by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was launched in the last decade of the 19th century in the Indian East Punjab and gradually spread throughout the province. After partition their leadership migrated to Pakistan with their headquarters at Rabwa. The people of Punjab were by and large against the Ahmadi movement which they considered against Islam. Nevertheless, they continued to survive as part of Muslim community as a separate sect with their own places of worship and beliefs.

However, as PNA agitation raged across the country against the rigging of elections in 1977. PNA gave a call for civil disobedience; Mr. Bhutto had no choice but to accept their demand of Islamization of the country’s governance. In a desperate move Mr. Bhutto announced some measures for Islamization of society for which PNA was agitating. These included complete prohibition in the country, ban on all kinds of gambling, shut down all bars and night clubs, Friday was declared the weekly holiday instead of Sunday, and Qadianis were declared non Muslims.

The Qadianis who were considered Muslims for about a century were converted into non Muslims by an Office Order of the government. Ever since then there have been several cases of Ahmadi bashing in the country by rabid fundamentalists who are under the influence of anti-Qadiani elements. Sometime back a rebel rousing anchor of a religious program on a private TV channel declared that Qadianis are “kafirs” and are wajeb-ul-qatl”. Some crackpot like the anchor was so influenced by his “Fatwa” that he killed two Qadiani medical doctors. The carnage in Lahore on a Friday was probably the worst in recent times. As people stood to offer their prayers at their two places of worship in Model Town and Garhi Shahu, gunmen armed with automatic rifles and hand grenades opened random fire killing, according the worshipers, 95 people on the spot. About one hundred were injured. It is not known as to how many of the seriously injured died later. Watching this mass murder, without a cause, live on TV was a horrifying experience. Covering this kind of carnage live, takes quite some time by TV channels as they have to deploy their camera teams in OB vans and cover the distance from TV centers to the point of the shooting which may have taken from half to one hour depending on the distance between the center and the point where the story was unfolding. This means that attackers had enough time to kill helpless people without any retaliation from the police or any security agency.

The bloody drama was unfolding as I switched on my TV set. The scene was horrifying. I saw a lone terrorist on top of the minaret of the worship place at Garhi Shahoo, shooting at random with his automatic rifle any body who passed in front of his sights. This man could have been easily shot by any armed policeman posted at the tower, but amazingly there was none. The point is if a cameraman could reach this point, why not a policeman? Isn’t this a tragic failure of the government for which it must be answerable to the families of the people who lost their lives in the “dark alleys of Lahore”.No Chief Minister or Governor visited the sight of the carnage nor condoled with the families of those killed. There is a practice that in such cases the government announces some monetary compensation for the families of those killed, but this too has not been done so far. True, they were non Muslims, but they were human beings and citizens of this country after all. In fact, Punjab has no government worth the name. How could there be? The Governor and the Chief Minister are daggers drawn at each other. A minister, who is tainted with charges of corruption over the ownership of a plaza in the city, calls the Governor “toilet paper”. The Governor also uses much worse words for the Chief Minister who is the brother of the main opposition leader who is an arch enemy of the President, who in turn doesn’t care a damn for any thing except his own and his cronies’ interests. The federal Interior minister is a convicted person whose bail has been cancelled by the court but the President has pardoned him. This is the position of the government of a country which is suffering from economic chaos, corruption of the top order, but most of all religious fanaticism, which is beyond government control and is the main cause of terrorism. Likewise, the economy too is beyond the government’s control due to its lavish expenditure on itself, despite the State Bank’s repeated warnings.

Nothing is working in the country except the Supreme Court, which is the last hope for the people to take notice of the Lahore carnage as well as the terrorist organizations operating in Pakistan unhindered. It seems that there are many powerful persons and groups in the government of Punjab which are not only ignoring their activities but encouraging them to commit terrorism to destabilize the country. It is worth mentioning that no religious party has condemned the Lahore massacre, nor do they ever deplore such bloodletting incidents anywhere in the country. Some terrorist organizations such as Lashkar-e-Tayyaba which have been nominally banned are openly organizing terrorist attacks on minorities, be they Christians or Ahmadies, but the government turns its face away. The Supreme Court may kindly take notice of this increasing culture of religious intolerance in the country which Quran has explicitly forbidden in four words “Your deen for you, my deen for me”.

A few days after the attacks on Ahmedi places of worship, 30 assailants burnt down 50 NATO supply vehicles near Tarnol transit camp of NATO supplies. This camp has been closed down now. Police sources say the terrorists were hiding in Fateh Jang. It was the first attack on NATO trucks in the federal capital territory and the second biggest yet. Another strike on NATO trucks had taken place in Peshawar where over 100 vehicles were destroyed.

According to sources, Islamabad police sent its initial reports to the interior minister on Wednesday, confirming that seven drivers and helpers sleeping in the vehicles had been killed. The question is why security arrangements were not made by the Punjab government for the safety of NATO supplies which are a very sensitive issue and have intolerant repercussions. It is quite understandable why US State department has declared Pakistan the world’s fifth most unstable country, better only than Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan and Sudan in that order. The department’s Global Peace Index (GPI) reports that Pakistan’s overall score deteriorated steadily for the second successive year and it has slid three places into the bottom five. Pakistan’s overall rating now is 145 in the list of 149 countries. All South Asian nations occupy the lower half of the regional table, headed by Nepal, in 82nd place, India, although better than Pakistan, is also in the red zone and is ranked 128th. Embroiled in conflict and instability for much of the past two decades, Afghanistan remained far from peaceful during 2009. A sharp rise in Pakistan’s GPI indicator of the number of people killed in internal conflict and upward shifts in scores for the potential of terrorist acts, the likelihood of violent demonstrations and the homicide rate underline the extent to which the country became embroiled in violence that verged on civil war in 2009. Conflict also increasingly afflicted Baluchistan, parts of Punjab, Sind and Gilgit-Baltistan in 2009.

© Pakistan Observer 1998-2010, All rights reserved
URL: http://pakobserver.net/detailnews.asp?id=36709

Life after the attacks

Life after the attacks

   by GUEST on 06 14th, 2010 |

Life in the neighbourhood, where two Ahmedi places of worship in Lahore were attacked by terrorists on May 28, goes on but under a shadow of fear.

The presence of gun-toting policemen and other community members (including the Ahmedis) guarding the gates of the places of worship in Garhi Shahu and Model Town’s C Block, indicates the level of fear in the neighbourhood. The Jamaat-i-Ahmedi centre, Darul Zikr is located on one end of Garhi Shahu and although bunkers have been placed in front of the main entrance, people are still terrified to enter.

The observance of the death anniversary of Dr. Sarfaraz Naeemi on Saturday (June 12) was a grim reminder of the terrorist attacks the area has witnessed in the past one year. Dr. Nameei, the principal of Jamia Naeemia madressah was killed on June 12, 2009 in a suicide attack at the seminary’s office. A section of the road leading to the madressah was cordoned off as police and volunteers frisked each person before allowing them to enter to pay their respects.

“We are sitting on gunpowder,” said Shahzad, the supervisor of Faizan Filling Station located near the main entrance of Darul Zikr. Shahzad said the filling station remained safe during the attack because of pure luck. “But I shudder to think the extent of damage the fuel station could cause if it came directly under attack,” he said.

Sales have declined considerably as people avoid coming near the vicinity of Darul Zikr, mindful of another potential attack. “We have no choice because this is our source of livelihood.”

Malik Mehmood owns a rent-a-car business in a plaza across from Darul Zikr. Mehmood was witness to the attacks and claims how apprehensive everyone in the community has become. Usman lives in the street adjacent to where the attacks took place. According to him, people are now using alternate routes to avoid going near Darul Zikr. He said fear escalated particularly on Friday June 11, as the Ahmedi community gathered for prayers. “The street remained deserted almost the entire day,” he said.

Those living within the barricaded streets are subjected to scrutiny by armed guards at the street entrance. Faqir Mohammad, a chowkidar at a house adjacent to the place of worship, talked from behind a small window in the huge gate but before doing so, he carefully scrutinised this reporter. “We are safe here,” he said. “Our children do not go out.” he snapped. In the background, a few guards with guns could be seen.

An employee (wishing to remain anonymous} of an office set up in a house at the corner of the street said that the police allowed entries to the company vehicles whose registration numbers they knew. He wondered whether life was safe anywhere else in the city – Lahore has been subjected to at least four terrorist attacks (safe houses of security agencies were the earlier targets) in the past year.

The place of worship in Garhi Shahu is located next to huge parks (between blocks C and D). But the attacks have not deterred the children from playing; matches were being held on the two cricket grounds and preparations were underway for a football game in the third ground when this reporter visited the area.

“Yes, these are hard times. But life must go on, we cannot continue living in fear,” said the gardener of the football field.

Intikhab Hanif contributed for Dawn.com

©2010 DAWN Media Group. All rights reserved

URL: http://blog.dawn.com/2010/06/14/life-after-the-attacks/

Minorities form working group

Sunday, June 13, 2010

Minorities form working group

KARACHI: The representatives of Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Bahai, Ahmedi and Zoroastrian communities of Sindh formed on Saturday a working group on ‘Right of Communities Vulnerable Because of Their Belief’ during a meeting at a local hotel. The Human Right Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) would support the group.

The group will highlight human rights violations through fact finding reports, researches, issuing public statements and arranging press briefings and also to analyse the laws, practices and policies, which are discriminatory and would provide recommendations. The meeting also decided that the group will conduct capacity building programmes of the members of vulnerable communities and a mechanism of early warning signs to determine the tension involving minorities and would recommend appropriate actions.

During the meeting, the participants discussed the agenda of the newly formed group including the status of commission of minorities, countering advocacy of hatred based religious beliefs, discrimination being faced by the communities in services, education, family and property laws, constant threats and fear, blasphemy laws and property related issues. During the meeting the participants decided that the newly formed group would meet once in six months.

Addressing the meeting HRCP Director I A Rehman said that the group would address all the issues being faced by the communities and deal with the rights of these communities.

“Since the last several years, the living conditions of minorities has worsened and the communities have become extremely vulnerable as extremists and militants are inciting hatred,” he said. amar guriro

URL: www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\06\13\story_13-6-2010_pg12_7

Clarification — 86 Ahmadis died in the Lahore attacks

12th June 2010 PRESS RELEASE

Clarification — 86 Ahmadis died in
the Lahore attacks

Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the UK came of his own volition

In a Press Release issued by this office on 7 June 2010 it was stated that Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the UK, Mr Wajid Shamsul Hasan visited the Head of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad on 2nd June 2010 to offer condolences over the Lahore terrorist attacks.

Subsequently a report was published by a particular news organisation that Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad had ‘summoned Pakistani delegates to his office in London’. For clarification purposes it is noted that the High Commissioner came of his own volition and his visit was appreciated by His Holiness.

It is also clarified that in a Press Release issued by this office on 30 May 2010 it was stated that 94 Ahmadis were killed in the Lahore terrorist attacks. It later emerged that the number of deaths were fewer and so it is now hereby confirmed that 86 Ahmadis died in the Lahore attacks. Currently there are still a few who remain injured in hospital but thankfully none are considered critical at this time.

22 Deer Park Road, London, SW19 3TL UK

Tel/Fax: 020 8544 7613 Mob: 077954 90682

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Press Secretary AMJ International

We decide whether you’re Muslim or not

	Thursday June 10th 2010

We decide whether you’re Muslim or not

Jun 10th 2010, 8:26 by Banyan

ON MAY 28th, during Friday prayers, two squads of gunmen entered a pair of mosques belonging to the Ahmadis, a minority Islamic sect, in Pakistan’s eastern city of Lahore. Methodically, they emptied AK-47s into the assembled worshippers, lobbed grenades and exploded suicide vests. Their rampage has claimed 95 lives to date. Our Pakistan correspondent writes about the perpetrators, the Punjabi Taliban.

The deaths were shocking, but so was the response by officialdom, the media and the public. Yes, the attacks aroused a deal of concern in Pakistan. Lahore, after all, is the Punjabi capital and Pakistan’s cultural heart, a place of sophistication far removed from the country’s lawless frontiers, where extremism tends to have its breeding ground.

Yet the concern was palpably not for the Ahmadi victims. Politicians have shunned the bereaved. Punjab’s chief minister, Shahbaz Sharif, has not shown his face at either mosque, despite living down the road from them. Admittedly, an admirable trio of women in parliament pushed through a motion abhorring the attacks, but it only just squeaked through, and that because it was hitched to another motion condemning Israel’s deadly commando raid on the Gaza aid convoy.

On television, pundits have failed to call for solidarity with the beleagured Ahmadi community, who number 4m-odd in Pakistan. At street protests called in Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad, meagre numbers showed up. To understand better what a fellow journalist, Declan Walsh of the Guardian, calls a conspiracy of silence, I joined the Ahmadis for their Friday prayers exactly a week after the attacks, at the Darul Zikr mosque that bore the brunt of the violence.

I had been invited by Shahid Ata-ullah, an active Ahmadi elder with the pep and twinkling energy that comes with being a retired Pakistani military man. I had met his daughter earlier that week at dinner in Islamabad. She told me how sick with worry for her father she and her family had been, as the story of the attacks unfolded live on television. But a week later Mr Ata-ullah could chuckle about it. “When I came out and checked my phone, I had 103 voice messages! Could be something of a record, eh?”

At the mosque most evidence of the carnage had been cleaned up. There remained only a few pockmarks on pillars and a pile of mangled metal in the courtyard, the remains of a door by which an attacker had detonated his vest. By the look of things, nothing much might have happened.

Most striking was the community’s outward calm. Young Ahmadis frisked the worshippers, admittedly more thoroughly than usual, as they entered the mosque. A dozen men stood silent guard about the compound, armed with submachine guns against repeat attacks; every one of the guards had lost a father, brother or son. Mr Ata-ullah embraced one young man, the son of the late leader of Lahore’s Ahmadis, Munir Ahmad Sheikh, who had been shot as he led the prayers. Just a few months ago Mr Sheikh had sat down with one of my colleagues and explained how anti-Ahmadi thuggery was on the rise. Very quickly it was clear to me that this was a community not just used to persecution, but determined to continue their faith in the face of it.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community was founded by a 19th-century cleric, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who claimed divine revelation in restoring a corrupted Islam to a purer form. His revivalist teachings were an eclectic mix of Sufism and other Islamic and Christian elements. His claim to be a prophet sent by God, albeit not a “law-bearing” prophet, has enraged more orthodox Muslims. Ahmad was also convinced that Jesus survived his ordeal on the cross to die at a ripe old age–in Kashmir. This also challenges orthodox Islam, which holds that Jesus was raised alive to heaven.

Reasonable men ought to be able to differ. (I confess, so strike me God, that my early Roman Catholic catechism of Jesus’s crucifixion, burial and resurrection seems no less implausible than the Kashmiri version.) But from the start, of all Islam’s many sects, Ahmadis have been singled out for persecution.

Worse, from the 1970s the Pakistani state has officially sanctioned it. In response to anti-Ahmadi riots in 1974 parliament passed a constitutional amendment to define what it was to be Muslim. Ahmadis were pointedly excluded. Then in 1984 General Zia ul Haq, Pakistan’s Sunni dictator, amended the laws again. Henceforth Ahmadis were prohibited from professing their faith, and banned from “indirectly or directly posing as a Muslim”. In other words, even saying asalaam aleikum was out of bounds, though Pakistan has no other common greeting.

Ahmadis henceforth could not call the faithful to prayer. They could not display Koranic inscriptions. They could not build new mosques, repair old ones or even refer to their “mosques” as such–they were now “places of worship”, if you please. Indeed belief in the prophethood of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad itself was blasphemous, because it defiled the name of the Prophet Muhammad–a capital crime.

Ali Dayan Hasan of Human Rights Watch points out that while the government persecutes Ahmadi–some 400 Ahmadis have been charged in the past decade–it rarely brings cases against the perpetrators of anti-Ahmadi violence. In Lahore when I was there, banners flew from some of main thoroughfares proclaiming death to the “Qadianis”, a derogatory term for Ahmadis. The Punjab government of Mr Sharif refuses to pull them down, on the grounds that removing them might generate an “adverse reaction”.

Mr Ata-ullah and colleagues–gentle, cultured men–can laugh at what they call the “mischief of the law”, the multiple absurdities of their persecution. Mr Ata-ullah points to an engraving of the Kalima that the government has crudely boarded over. Anywhere else, covering up that profession of the Muslim faith would be a shocking act. The Ahmadis maintain thick volumes that keep a tally of the persecution. In one instance, the entire Ahmadi population of nearby Rabwah town, about 60,000 people, was booked for dressing up smartly and distributing sweets to children on the centenary of the community’s founding.

During the first Friday prayers after the massacre, there was no sign of anger at the perpetrators, nor of self-pity. But as the worshippers knelt with their heads to the ground, a low keening like the sound of a rushing wind ran through the mosque, and shoulders suddenly shook in grief. “In our prayers we always weep,” Mr Ata-ullah said afterwards. “The milk does not rise in the mother’s breast until the baby cries. Before Allah we must cry like babies if we want his blessing. We cry like a whole pot on the boil.”

© The Economist Newspaper Limited 2010.

URL: http://economist.com/blogs/banyan/2010/06/st...e=hptextfeature

Foreign-made arms used in attacks on Ahmedis

Tuesday, June 08, 2010

Foreign-made arms used in attacks on Ahmedis

*	Investigators shifting focus to imported weapons’ suppliers active in provincial capital
By Shahnawaz Khan

LAHORE: Investigators probing the terrorist attacks on the worship places of the Ahmedis have discovered that all the weapons and ammunitions used in the attacks were foreign made, sources told Daily Times on Monday.

Following the discovery, the investigators have turned their focus on imported weapons’ suppliers in the provincial metropolis, sources said, adding that the investigators were collecting information on the suppliers of AK-47s, its ammunition and hand grenades.

“Besides that, the personnel are also collecting information and questioning a large number of people who are or have at any time been involved in the business of importing weapons,” the sources said, adding that reports of forensic experts confirmed that the terrorists had used Indian-made hand grenades and Russian-made AK-47s.

“Only a few dealers, around seven, in the provincial metropolis are in the business of selling Russian-made AK-47s and its ammunition,” the sources said.

However, the sources said that it was disclosed during investigations that some people are also involved in supplying Israeli-made weapons, adding that the trade of Israeli-made weapons was actively being conducted in Lahore since the last few years.

“Now the personnel are questioning few history sheeters, who were involved in the illegal supply of imported weapons from provincial metropolis to other parts of the country,” the sources added.

It is worth noting that it was disclosed in March that a few gangs in the provincial metropolis were partaking in the illegal trade of imported weapons. This was disclosed after the arrest of a weapons’ smuggler, who supplied imported weapons from Lahore to other cities. Law enforcers nabbed the head of an inter-provincial gang, Muhammad Naeem Khan, who was exporting foreign-made weapons from Lahore to other parts of the country. During investigations, the arrested Naeem confessed that some other weapons’ dealers in Lahore were also involved in the trade.

Following such links, the law enforcers who were investigating the attacks on the Ahmedis’ worship places shifted their focus to weapons’ dealers who were involved in the business of importing weapons, especially those that were Indian and Russian made.

According to the sources, investigators had also taken into account reports – compiled by the Special Branch a few months earlier – on the illegal weapons’ trade being carried out in the city. The reports had revealed that weapons’ dealers were using Lahore as a launching pad for the distribution of illegal weapons to other parts of the country and they are using small railway stations in the city’s outskirts, Lari Addahs and Truck Addahs for smuggling weapons.

URL: www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\06\08\story_8-6-2010_pg13_2

High Commissioner offers condolences to Head of Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at

7th June 2010 PRESS RELEASE

High Commissioner offers condolences to Head of Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at

Pakistan’s long term well being was honesty and justice

Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the UK, Mr Wajid Shamsul Hasan visited His Holiness, Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad at the Fazl Mosque in London on 2nd June 2010 to offer his condolences for the terrorist attacks that took place at two Ahmadi Mosques in Lahore on May 28.

During the forty minute meeting the prevailing political situation in Pakistan was discussed. His Holiness commented that all the attacks taking place in Pakistan were a direct result of mixing religion with politics. He expressed a hope that some leaders in Pakistan would stand up to the fanatical extremists who were the cause of so much pain and suffering in the country.

His Holiness also expressed the need for electoral reform so that all minorities had the right to vote freely and without discrimination. The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat did not seek any special or favourable treatment, merely that its citizens were afforded their basic civil rights.

His Holiness said the key to Pakistan’s long term well being was honesty and justice. If those in power adopted these attributes then Pakistan could still emerge from its current anarchic state and move towards prosperity. His Holiness commented with regret that despite Pakistan having vast resources it was unable to look after the needs of its own people and so the gap between the rich and poor was ever increasing.

The meeting ended as His Holiness thanked the High Commissioner for taking the time to come and express his condolences and regret.

Mr Mohammed Nafees Zakaria the Consul General also attended the meeting.

22 Deer Park Road, London, SW19 3TL UK

Tel/Fax: 020 8544 7613 Mob: 077954 90682

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Press Secretary AMJ International

Pakistan’s Ahmadi killings and the conscience of a nation

Pakistan: Now or Never? Perspectives on Pakistan

Pakistan’s Ahmadi killings and the conscience of a nation

Jun 7, 2010 14:23 EDT

The fierce debate about the nature of Pakistani society triggered by the killing of more than 80 Ahmadis in two mosques in Lahore last month continues to run and run.

Much of the discussion is about why the government had failed to stop the religious right from preaching hatred against the Ahmadis, who are considered non-Muslims in Pakistan because they revere their 19th century founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, breaching – according to Pakistani law – a requirement that Muslims accept the finality of the Prophet Mohammad.

While authorities had been willing to shut down Facebook over a competition to draw the Prophet, it had not dared take action to remove banners preaching hatred against the Ahamdis, fearing a backlash from the religious right, Dawn newspaper complained in an editorial.

In a chronicle of deaths foretold, Professor C.M. Naim tracks the earlier killing of an Ahmadi, a retired teacher, in January in the town of Ferozewal. In an article in India’s Outlook magazine (h/t Chapati Mystery) he notes that not only did the police fail to take adequate action against the man’s killers, but also that the media paid very little attention, barring one persistent reporter. He also reproduces a picture of a huge billboard in Ferozewal preaching hatred against the Ahmadis.

“Judging from the image, the sign must have dominated the roundabout where it was set up to exhort the 97.21 percent of Ferozewala’s population against the unfortunate 0.25. It had stayed up for weeks. Thousands, including any number of men with power and authority, saw it but chose to do nothing. Finally a retired schoolteacher victimized by the sign and fearing worse approached the police for relief. A few days later, he ended up dead,” he writes.

He adds: “The following too went unnoticed:

On January 14, an Ahmadi mosque built in1982 near Rabwah was taken away from them by court orders and handed to anti-Ahmadis, “in order to pre-empt extreme law and order disturbances”.
On January 28, a court at Vehari, Punjab, sentenced three Ahmadis to imprisonment and fines on trumped up charges of preaching their religion to “simple Muslims”.
On February 3, an Ahmadi was similarly killed at Shehdadpur, Sindh.
On April 1, three Ahmadi traders were ambushed and killed near Faisalabad.

“Then, on May 28, 2010, in well-organized attacks on two Ahmadi mosques in Lahore, just a few miles away from Ferozewala, more than 90 Ahmadis were killed and scores wounded. We can only hope it was the worst such incident, for unfortunately it was not the last. On June 1, just three days later, the Daily Times reported another killing: an Ahmadi man was stabbed to death in his home and his son seriously wounded in Narowal, Punjab. The assailant, who reportedly threatened not to leave any Ahmadi alive, escaped.”

“Here’s a question,” writes Nadeem Paracha at Dawn. “How come whenever there’s a drone attack … or a case of perceived obscenity or blasphemy surfaces, street corners are at once filled with burqa-clad women and bearded men chanting slogans like ‘Death to infidels’? But none of these fine, sensitive Muslims can be seen protesting when there’s an attack on innocent civilians —Ahmadis or others — by the extremists?”

Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, whose brother Shahbaz Sharif is chief minister of Punjab province where the killings took place, this weekend spoke in defence of the Ahmadis, calling them ”our brethren and an asset of the country”, according to The News. The Sharif brothers in the past have been accused of sympathising with the Islamists and were criticised after newspapers published pictures of the law minister in Punjab – who is loyal to the two – campaigning in a by-election in February with leaders of the outlawed sectarian Sipah e Sahaba.

The post-mortem on the Ahmadi mosque killings is now turning into a bigger discussion of whether secular liberals have any real influence on Pakistani society as it grows more religious and conservative.

“The problem is that there aren’t nearly enough of us for this to matter,” complains the blog Five Rupees. “There are a few scattered in the blogosphere and Twitterverse, and a couple of columnists for Dawn, and the Daily Times editorial board, but that’s it. There are, functionally speaking, no liberals in Pakistan. Oh, there’s plenty of scotch-drinking social liberals (think Salman Taseer). But liberalism and progressivism is not about drinking scotch or wearing jeans. Liberalism is about equality and freedom and personal choice and rationality and the privileging of the individual, and no one believes in those things.”

“We’ve been talking about the dangers of militancy for a long, long time — well before 9/11. That no one bothers listening is not an indictment of the “failed politics of Pakistani liberals”. It’s an indictment of everyone else. If mainstream Pakistan wants to ignore us, fine, that’s their prerogative. But don’t blame us when shit goes bad.”

And in Britain’s Guardian newspaper, Mustafa Qadri notes that more and more Pakistanis are turning to prayer given the failure of the state to provide a credible, secular alternative.

“Uncertainty is an inherent part of the human experience, but in Pakistan much of what a reader in Britain might take for granted is far from certain. How long will the electricity last today? Where will the next bomb go off? And, for most who do not inhabit my privileged world, will I be able to afford the right medication if I fall ill? The profound loss of control felt by long-term illness sufferers and their loved ones has become a countrywide phenomenon in Pakistan.

”The situation has exacerbated our cultural tendency to avow causation in favour of fate and the rewards of prayer. Whether looking for a job, waiting anxiously for exam results or willing the national cricket team to victory, prayer has become a kneejerk source of solace and comfort in difficult times. Holy men, or pirs, and local soothsayers have for generations made a career out of selling their prayers to those in need.

“And why not? Doing the right thing, like expecting to get a plum job without working family contacts, rarely seems to lead to results in our country. During my travels I have met several academically bright students from middle-class backgrounds who complain they cannot get into top university courses because wealthier classmates have paid to gain entrance. The experience for the millions below the middle class, who could never dream of a university education, is even more dire.”

At the very least, the killings of the Ahmadis has prompted a real discussion about the direction Pakistan is headed in. And even, some poetry. One day, looking back, it may well be seen as a turning point.

URL: http://blogs.reuters.com/pakistan/2010/06/07/pakist...cience-of-a-nation/

Dangerous Repurcussions of Relgious Extremism in the Punjab

June 7, 2010

Saad Khan
Freelance journalist and activist from Islamabad.
Posted: June 7, 2010 04:50 PM

Dangerous Repurcussions of Relgious Extremism in the Punjab

More bloodshed that claimed the lives of more than 95 innocent worshipers. It has become an unfortunate reality in Pakistan to see attacks on mosques and places of worship. In fact, it is not just the last nine years that Pakistan has seen a cataclysmic increase in religious violence. Interestingly, religious violence waned after 9/11 and the subsequent Afghan invasion. The Taliban started hitting innocent civilians without even thinking once about their caste, creed or religion. Shopping centers, hotels and bus stops became their primary targets. Although the number of attacks — and subsequently causalities — rose to an an unprecedented level, there was little hint of victimization of any single religious group, or minority.

This impartiality of the Taliban — and their associated groups — has seen a major dip in recent years. There could be many reasons for that but the joining of Punjab-based sectarian groups, who were wielding immense support from the ISI during the Kashmir Jihad, in the Taliban ranks has exacerbated this problem.

Sectarian violence is not a recently emerged issue in Pakistan. It is now an open fact that sectarian groups started slitting the throats of their rival factions during the dictatorial rule of General Zia ul Haq. Saudi Arabia and Iran also jumped into the fray with their covert — and open — support of the Sunni and Shiite extremist groups, respectively.

Violence between these two factions took a turn for the worse in the 1990s when they started attacking each others’ mosques. That was the first time when mosque committees started hiring guards for protection; government provided police guards in large places of worship.

Violence against the Ahmadis, however, was not that blatant up until now. They are, of course, subjected to grave discrimination and are treated with contempt but only 109 people had lost their lives (Link in Urdu) before this attack since the declaration of the Ahmadi sect as non-Muslim in 1974, by the secular Bhutto government.

Now the total Ahmadi casualties are in between 160 and 180 as many dead in the recent attacks were policemen and bystanders and thus not from the community. If compared with the casualties between the warring Sunni-Shiite factions in Pakistan, this figure is minuscule. However, if compared with the total population of Ahmadis in Pakistan — at 0.22% — this death toll is astounding.

Ahmadis have remained a peaceful minority in Pakistan and have not taken up arms. Chances of them turning to the guns are still low despite this carnage. The repercussions of this attack, however, can be great with a serious fallout. These attacks will encourage other militant groups to attack the Ahmadis. Thus a minority, which is already living on the fringes with threats of violence, and people who are regularly subjected to tyrannical blasphemy laws, will be hard pressed to retaliate.

Punjab remains the center of most religious attacks and it also serves as the operational nerve center of sectarian groups. Christians, who are living relatively peacefully in Karachi and Islamabad, are subjected to harassment and blatant discrimination in the Punjab. Violent attacks are not uncommon and church burnings are not unheard of.

One wonders why these attacks are mostly concentrated in the Punjab when all provinces have Muslim majority populations. The answer lies in the blatant Islamization carried out by extremist organizations. They have instilled this false notion among common Punjabis that they are the protectors of Islam and Pakistan. Interestingly, the same notion is present among the Punjabi middle classes that constitute the major chunk of Pakistan’s armed forces. A blatant hatred for India and a delusion about the grandeur of Islam and them being its protectors has muddied the political and religious landscape in the province, and in Pakistan.

The same mentality resulted in Punjabis condoning the brutal military operations in Balochistan and before that, in Karachi and Sindh. Pakistani army merely reflects this notion of silencing every voice that it deems as a threat to Pakistan, without analyzing the parallels between treason and political repression.

Nawaz Sharif, the ex prime minister and the most popular opposition leader, has not said anything concrete against the rising militancy. His power base is in the Punjab and his reluctance to tackle the militancy and sectarian issue raises serious doubts about his policies. His party is already in power in the province and has failed to do anything about this issue. They are in cahoots with the militants? Nobody knows but yes they are afraid to stir up this hornet’s nest.

There needs to be something done about this false notion of superiority and the acceptance of militant organizations. Nawaz Sharif, who many say is counting his days to become the next PM of Pakistan, needs to tackle this issue without hesitation. There is already enough hatred of Punjab in other provinces and in Balochistan, Punjabis are being attacked. These innocent Punjabis, who are working as teachers, doctors and nurses, are victimized because an average Baloch thinks that they are responsible for his destitution. In actuality, it is the political leadership of Punjab, and more importantly, the military leadership that is responsible.

It is high time that both issues should be dealt with accordingly. Military leadership needs to stop political maneuvering and military operations in Balochistan. There is also a need for equal representation of other ethnic groups in the officers’ cadre of the armed forces. Similarly, it should start operations against the militant organizations in the Punjab, which it is hesitant to do so.

As for the political leadership of the Punjab, they need to educate their supporters to embrace and not disgrace. Blasphemy laws need to be repealed and religious organizations need to be reined in if they really want to stop this violence. Otherwise, we all are sitting on a volcano that is about to explode.

URL: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/saad-khan/da...ons-o_b_602272.html

Massacre at Ahmadiyya Muslim Mosque; Random act of violence or State Sanctioned Terrorism

OPINIONS, RELIGIONS

Massacre at Ahmadiyya Muslim Mosque; Random act of violence or State Sanctioned Terrorism

By iNewp Citizen Journalist
Published: June 7, 2010

The Holy Quran says; “If God did not repel some people by means of others, there would surely have been destroyed cloisters and churches and synagogues and mosques, wherein the name of Allah is oft commemorated” (22:41). In a true Islamic state, the minorities enjoy freedom to practice and preach their religion without fearing for their lives. It is the state’s responsibility to not only protect the lives and mosques of its Muslim constituents but also protect the places of worship of other faiths.

This is not the case in Pakistan, which claims to be an Islamic state and was founded 63 years ago on the basic principles of equality and freedom for all. Instead, it is a country whose name and the word “terrorism” are today often mentioned in the same sentence. Today, Pakistan has laws written in its books which prohibit a large group of Muslims from practicing their faith and they are made to endure a life full of fear and hardships due to their belief on the Messiah of the later days as prophesied by Islam’s prophet, Mohammad (May peace be with him).

In 1974, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, then President of Pakistan, proclaimed Ahmadis “non Muslims” but allowed them to practice their religion. To further satisfy the unabated appetite of fanatics in the country, in 1984, the government of General Zia ul Haq further tightened the law and with one ordinance snatched the basic human rights from Ahmadiyya Muslim Community. Furthermore, they tried to break the spirits of Ahmadi Muslims by taking away their identity and barred them from using the word “Muslim” for themselves.

Ahmadis today are prohibited from calling their religion Islam, their places of worship mosques, making the call for prayer “Adhaan” or even making the most basic proclamation of faith which states that “God is One and Mohammad is His messenger”. In an arrogant gesture, the government tried to erase all Muslim words and phrases from Ahmadi lexicon which were built into the soul and daily life of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community.

General Zia ul Haq (left), a public flogging during his reign (right), Ahmadis were persecuted even more during Haq’s rule.

While I have been greeted many times in America by non-Muslims with the words “Assalamo Alaikum” (may peace be with you), as an Ahmadi Muslim one can be thrown in jail for using the same greeting in Pakistan.

There are hundreds of Ahmadi Muslims languishing in jails for the crime of sending peace to their fellow Muslims. On a daily basis Ahmadi Muslims face discrimination in jobs, schools and military for the crime of believing in the Messiah.

This state sanctioned persecution has encouraged the fanatic elements in the Pakistani society to make the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community a constant target of threats and attacks. Target killing of community leaders and attacks on Ahmadiyya mosques have become a norm and rarely attracts attention or condemnation from the government. These fanatic elements encourage and incite masses to kill Ahmadis, in plain sight on state sanctioned events and in media. Driving through the main roads of Lahore, a culturally bustling city, one can see banners and graffiti on the walls with incendiary slogans against Ahmadis.

The brutal attacks and massacre in two Ahmadiyya mosques on May 28th are a culmination of years of government policies and an insincere, half hearted effort to control the extremist elements in Pakistan. This heinous attack by Pakistani Taliban has resulted in the death of 95 Ahmadis, while more than 150 are critically injured. Ahmadiyya Muslim Community strictly follows the policy of “Love for All, Hatred for None”. Unlike other religious groups, Ahmadis will not retaliate, they will not raise arms, and they will not come out on the streets to protest or destroy public property. Their 120 year history is filled with patience, tolerance, and non violence. These brutal attacks have however, raised some questions.

How can Ahmadis trust the motives of Pakistan government with the above track record? How can any minority feel protected in a state that has seen Ahmadis literally thrown under the bus over and over again? How can any Pakistani citizen sleep soundly at night with a corrupt government in charge? And how can we Americans trust the motives and sincerity of Pakistan as an ally in this war on terrorism?

(Cover Picture: Chaudary/AP) — Op-Ed Article Contributed By: Aziza Faruqi

URL: http://inewp.com/?p=3127

ANALYSIS - Pakistan’s mosques, media and intolerance

ANALYSIS - Pakistan’s mosques, media and intolerance

Sat Jun 5, 2010 4:01pm IST

Policemen run towards gunmen attacking an Ahmadi mosque in Lahore’s Garhi Shahu neighborhood May 28, 2010. - Credit: Reuters/Hussain Abid/Files

By Zeeshan Haider

(Reuters) — Pakistan has been fighting Islamist militants for years, but tough measures are needed to overturn a system breeding religious intolerance after the long failure of authorities to confront mullahs and hardline groups.

Analysts say the notion of religious mistrust is deeply entrenched in the predominatly Muslim country – even in the school system – and it is now up to leaders to mobilise public.

Last week’s massacre in the city of Lahore of more than 80 Ahmadis - a minority religious sect deemed non-Muslim and heretical by the constitution - has generated a heated debate in Pakistan, a U.S. ally, on how to tackle the issue.

In a sign of how hatred is propagated, The News newspaper said one of the two surviving gunmen caught by security forces said he had been persuaded that Ahmadis were “blaspheming” Islam.

Identified as Abdullah, he told investigators that his mentors had him believe that Ahmadis were drawing caricatures of Prophet Mohammad during a recent online contest and “so their bloodshed was a great service to Islam”, the newspaper said.

That raised alarm bells in a country combatting militancy.

“The nagging feeling that the government has already lost the battle against extremism has now acquired the force of conviction,” Zafar Hilaly, a former ambassador, wrote in The News last week.

After joining the U.S.-led war on terrorism after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, Pakistan mounted a crackdown on militancy, outlawing several groups, arresting hundreds of suspects and warning hardline mullahs against delivering hate speeches and distributing hate literature.

ISLAMIC SEMINARIES

The government also vowed to reform tens of thousands of Islamic seminaries, known as madrassas, many of which are considered as breeding grounds for militancy.

Almost none of these measures, however, has been implemented.

Most outlawed groups have re-emerged under new names. Radical clerics still deliver fiery speeches against sects.

The U.S. Embassy acknowledged the difficulties, given the importance placed on Pakistan helping Washington battle al Qaeda and its extremist allies.

“We recognise this is a problem,” an embassy official said, adding that the embassy encouraged Pakistanis to take part in exchange programmes to see a multi-faith United States.

Analysts say Pakistani leaders dating back to the 1970s, however popular, took no action to counter radicals.

Hasan Askari Rizvi, a Lahore-based political and security analyst said governments have lacked the stomach to implement reforms, particularly in school curricula.

“In textbooks used in government schools, Pakistan is equated with Muslims…They teach Pakistan is a country only for Muslims. They don’t teach that non-Muslims also live here,” he said.

Journalist and analyst Ahmed Rashid described school programmes as “the most sensitive issue. But it is an issue in which any attempt to change the curriculum would have a whole host of fundamentalist groups oppose you.”

In 1974, Pakistan’s first popularly elected Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, bowed to Islamic groups and won approval of a constitutional amendment declaring Ahmadis as non-Muslims.

He also switched the weekly day off from Sunday to Friday.

But much of the upsurge in militancy occurred in the late 1970s and 1980s during the “Islamisation drive” by late military leader General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq and Pakistan’s support for the U.S.-baked Afghan jihad or holy war against the Soviet invasion which saw a rapid growth of radical groups and madrasas.

Haq introduced several laws, such as the notorious blasphemy law, which are deemed discriminatory against non-Muslim minorities and fuelled tensions between different Muslim sects.

Subsequent governments did nothing to reverse the laws.

Military dictators, who ruled Pakistan for more than half of its existence, have also used militant groups to further policy objectives in Afghanistan and India and marginalise liberals.

“In earlier years, in order to pursue its foreign policy using the instrument of jihad, the state actively sought to create a religiously charged citizenry,” said Pervez Hoodbhoy, a physicist and analyst.

“But, now that the Pakistani military and political establishments have become a victim of extremism, they are foundering in confusion.”

Former President Pervez Musharraf, a military ruler, though he espoused a modern and liberal version of Islam, repeatedly failed to get the laws reviewed while in office from 1999-2008.

Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, a pro-West politician and a vocal opponent of the militants, was killed in December 2007 in a suicide attack blamed on militants linked to al Qaeda.

Civilian leaders are made even more cautious now in tackling radical groups by the tremendous fear of militants who have unleashed bomb and suicide attacks across the country.

“Religious intolerance is getting worse in Pakistan because the political leadership lacks the will to fight this,” said analyst Rizvi. “They don’t want to face the wrath of mullahs.”

(Additional reporting and editing by Chris Allbritton and by Ron Popeski)

URL: http://in.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-49068420100605