‘Victim’ Reveals Sinister Workings Of NII Recruiters

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‘Victim’ Reveals Sinister Workings Of NII Recruiters

Fitri R. | May 03, 2011

Rights activists have claimed to see disturbing similarity in the deadly mob attack on an Ahmadi community, above, in Cikeusik, Banten, in February, and religious violence targeting Christians in Central Sulawesi and Maluku, below, from 2000-07. Activists say both conflicts show evidence of being instigated by agent provocateurs. (AP, AFP, JG Photos)

After weeks of tweaking and trials and errors, an activist at a prominent human rights group was finally able to connect his laptop computer to an old 32-inch cathode-ray tube television at home.

Although he had seen it about 20 times already, Hendi (not his real name) was eager to watch the 40-minute video of the bloody attack on the Ahmadiyah minority sect in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Banten on a screen with a much bigger resolution than that of his laptop.

“I’m curious to learn who these people who wear the blue and green ribbons are. The fact that they wear ribbons to distinguish friends from foe suggests that they don’t know each other,” he told the Jakarta Globe after asking not to reveal his identity because he was far from concluding his research.

Witnesses say around 20 attackers wearing the ribbons on their jackets and shirts were among the first to arrive at the scene on Feb. 6 and could be seen provoking others to attack a house belonging to an Ahmadi. More than 1,000 people eventually joined the assault which resulted in the death of three Ahmadis.

Hendi said he was curious how the attackers, who witnesses say were not from the area, knew which house to attack.

Obsessed with learning who these people were, Hendi scrutinized every frame of the video, listening to a barrage of sounds and noises and scribbling in his notebook every time he heard an audible conversation.

“They were highly skilled in martial arts, can be seen provoking the masses to attack Ahmadiyah and simply vanished just minutes into the riot,” he concluded, adding that this was precisely the pattern found in scores of sectarian conflicts that sprung up after the fall of Suharto.

Finding the Mastermind

Hendi said that he became fixated on digging up the truth that many of his activist friends chose to ignore after the Al Jazeera television station in March reported closer ties being forged by hard-line groups and several retired military generals.

The activist said that unless police were able to apprehend the provocateurs, the mastermind behind the Cikeusik attack would never be revealed.

But Hendi is not alone. Mufti Makaarim, executive director of the Institute for Defense, Security and Peace Studies, also thinks that there is more to the attack than meets the eye.

“Rogue elements within the military have used radical Muslims as proxies before to create diversions or push certain political agendas. They don’t want to be linked directly to sectarian conflicts,” he said, adding that religious violence had been used in the past to de-legitimize civilian-controlled governments.

Chep Hermawan, head of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), a hard-line group, has said that several retired generals had approached radical Muslim groups one month prior to the Cikeusik attack in a bid to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono by exploiting mainstream Muslims’ resistance toward the Ahmadiyah.

Chep named them as former Army chief of staff Gen. (ret.) Tyasno Sudarto; Maj. Gen. (ret.) Muchdi Purwoprandjono, former commander of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus); Maj. Gen. (ret.) Kivlan Zen, former commander of the Army’s Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad); and Gen. (ret.) Fahrul Razi, a former deputy chief of staff.

IDSPS’ Mufti seemed hardly surprised. “These are old players,” he said.

Similar Patterns

In his book, “Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization of Indonesia,” anthropology professor Robert Hefner said that during the Suharto regime, the government made use of hard-liners to act as agent provocateurs to de-legitimize criticisms toward his rule, particularly when calls were mounting for him to step down at the height of the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. In the book, Hefner details numerous reports and anecdotes that detail links between the military and hard-liners.

He writes that during the May 1998 riots in Jakarta, a group of unidentified men started burning and looting businesses and homes owned by ethnic Chinese. The men provoked ordinary civilians to follow suit and by the time security forces arrived they had vanished, similar to Hendi’s observations of the Cikeusik attack 12 years later.

A similar pattern was reported during a religious conflict in East Java a year earlier, with efforts to break ties between the Nahdlatul Ulama, led by future President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid, and syncretist Javanese Muslims.

NU probes quoted witnesses as saying that groups of men dressed in “ninja” outfits had been killing Muslims clerics as well as people believed to be black-magic sorcerers. But a series of rumors that sprang up after the violence would omit mention of the ninja-clad attackers and allege that the Muslim clerics and sorcerers had in fact been killing each other.

It would not be the last time such tactics would be reported.

In 2000, a string of religious conflicts between Muslims and Christians erupted in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and Ambon, Maluku. Several rights groups cited witnesses reporting ninja-clad bands of people killing both Muslim clerics and Christian priests.

Then-President Gus Dur accused a Maj. Gen. “K” and a civilian named “Gogon” to be behind in the conflicts in Poso and Ambon. But until he was forced to resign in 2001, Wahid never disclosed the full identities of those he accused.

At the time, Kivlan was one of only two major-generals in the military with that initial.

“Gogon” is the reported nickname of Ahmad Sumargono of the conservative Indonesian Islamic Propagation Council (DDII), a long-time friend of Muchdi and later a politician of the Star Crescent Party (PBB.)

Conflicts in Ambon and Poso went on until 2007, ending after the National Police toured the area with FPI leader Rizieq Shihab, who urged remnants of the Muslim militias to join FPI and fight new enemies: immorality and blasphemous sects. Some former militia members chose to join the Jemaah Islamiyah terror network.

Military Might

After the fall of Suharto in May 1998, the new government formed fact-finding teams to investigate the cause of the Jakarta riots as well as the kidnapping and murder of 14 student activists, according to Hefner.

In October 1998, one team probing the kidnapping of activists released its findings and concluded that it was conducted by a special unit inside the Army Special Forces Command (Kopassus). The team deemed former Kopassus commander Prabowo Subianto and his successor, Muchdi, responsible for the crime.

Prabowo would later go on to found the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra). Muchdi would go on to head the National Intelligence Agency (BIN). In 2009 he would be controversially acquitted for the 2004 murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib.

In a postscript addendum after he concluded research into his book in November 1999, Hefner wrote that most disturbances at the time bore the telltale signs of agent provocateurs.

“Although its leaders have been removed from the heights of government, advocates of state terror remain ensconced in segments of the military and bureaucracy. The dismantlement of their shadowy network of vigilantes and gangsters will be one of the greatest challenges facing democratic Indonesia,” he wrote.

For Hendi, the evidence is still up for debate. But the patterns he says he sees are undeniable.

“What is intriguing for me about the Cikeusik attack is that it doesn’t follow the same pattern as other cases of violence on Ahmadiyah involving hard-liners,” Hendi said. “The attack bears more resemblance to the ones seen during the sectarian conflicts in Ambon or Poso.

“I think there is a good indication that one of the martial arts groups associated with a military figure might be involved.

“But unless police are able to arrest one of the provocateurs or at least have someone who would identify who they are and where they’re from, we won’t know who the true masterminds are.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/murky-men-behind-the-violence/438811

Is Dislike of SBY Driving Military Old Guard to Hard-Liners?

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Is Dislike of SBY Driving Military Old Guard to Hard-Liners?

Nivell Rayda | May 02, 2011

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s speeches often leave many Indonesians mystified, and the one he made shortly after a series of book bomb scares across the capital last month was no exception.

“To that group, [I say] if you don’t like me, don’t sacrifice the people. Don’t let them become victims,” he said on March 18, shortly after police discovered a fourth bomb sent to the house of a prominent music mogul.

To some, the president appeared presumptuous for assuming that he was the target, but Mufti Makaarim, executive director of the Institute for Defense, Security and Peace Studies, thinks that there is more to the remark than meets the eye.

“He knows that there are some people who benefit from religious violence and acts of terrorism. He senses that there are a few retired generals who would love to see him lose legitimacy to run this country,” he said. “For me the speech was clear. As vague and intriguing as it may seem to the rest of the nation, he was addressing military retirees.”

Connecting the Dots

Two other incidents that took place shortly after that speech seemed to crystallize what Yudhoyono meant.

On March 20, a little-known Islamic political analyst named Wachiduddin received thunderous applause from an audience of 500 veiled women and bearded men at a talk show organized by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, a hard-line group that seeks the formation of an Islamic caliphate.

Wachiduddin on that day said that it was important for hard-line Muslim activists to establish ties with warmongers and military officials. Excerpts and video recordings of the show have been circulating online since.

“Gaining support from ahlul quwwah [bearers of military might] in a revolution is a method exemplified by the great prophet, Muhammad,” he said. “The prophet and his disciples once convened with ahlul quwwahs throughout Mecca, asking them to convert to Islam and join his holy struggle.”

Muhammad eventually gained the support of Sa’ad bin Muaz, a prominent seventh-century warlord from Medina, Saudi Arabia, the self-proclaimed expert added. “Muslim activists [in Indonesia] must visit these generals. We must convince them that Islam is the only system blessed by Allah. Generals must become the 21st century Sa’ad bin Muaz,” Wachiduddin said.

On March 22, two days after the speech, Al Jazeera reported that “senior retired generals” were supporting the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and other hard-liners to incite religious violence and overthrow Yudhoyono.

The report included an interview with retired Army Chief Gen. Tyasno Sudarto, a staunch government critic who acknowledged his support for the groups that he said aimed to topple Yudhoyono in a “revolution.”

Coming Out

Besides Tyasno, there are more military men backing the hard-liners, according to Chep Hernawan, head of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis). In an interview with the Jakarta Globe, he identified them as retired Maj. Gen. Muchdi Purwoprandjono, former commander of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus); retired Maj. Gen. Kivlan Zen, former commander of the Army’s Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad); and retired Gen. Fahrul Razi, a former deputy chief of staff.

Chep said several meetings had already taken place since January between the ex-generals and conservative Muslim leaders to discuss their plans.

“We’re united by the Ahmadiyah issue, since these retired generals have also lost faith in how the president is managing the country. They are Muslims too and know very well that Yudhoyono’s hesitance in banning Ahmadiyah could spark public anger, particularly from Muslims,” Chep said.

He was referring to the minority sect deemed deviant by mainstream Muslims that has faced increasing persecution over the years, including from the state.

Islamic People’s Forum (FUI) secretary general Muhammad Al Khaththath had also acknowledged its movement to seek the dissolution of the sect was supported by retired generals but refused to divulge details into what sort of arrangements the hard-liners had with the generals.

‘Awan Merah’

A source inside the military retiree circle told the Jakarta Globe that the hard-liners had benefited financially as well as politically from the relationship.

“These generals always finance pesantrens [Islamic religious boarding school] and madrasahs [Islamic schools] owned by hard-line figures. Their houses are always visited by hard-line groups and some return with plenty of donations,” the source said on condition of anonymity.

“In return they pledge allegiance and consider these generals as their patrons. [Hard-liners] are often exploited for a certain political gain.”

But the source said that the retired generals had a more sinister plot. “The other retirees are calling their actions ‘Awan Merah’ [Red Cloud], short for ‘Aksi Purnawirawan Militer Berdarah’ [Bloody Actions of Military Retirees],” he told the Globe.

“Their aim was to create another religious conflict like the ones in Ambon [North Maluku] or Poso [Central Sulawesi]. But this time, they want it to be close to the capital. It is likely that their target would be Kuningan or Parung.”

Around 2,000 followers of the Ahmadiyah faith live in Manis Lor village in Kuningan district, West Java, making it the largest Ahmadi community in Indonesia. An attack on the community occurs almost every year.

Parung, a small town about halfway between Jakarta and Bogor, is home to an Ahmadiyah center. It was last attacked in 2008.

“Other retirees are not too sure about their strategies. Toppling a president is not that easy,” the source said. “But what these generals have in common is that they all hate SBY, they’re devout Muslims or what some would describe as ‘green generals,’ they have close ties with hard-liners and in the past they had their hands dirty in cases of religious violence.”

Mufti of the IDSPS said the retired generals were discontented with Yudhoyono because he had failed to provide enough political positions for members of his former corps.

Only two retired generals sit in Yudhoyono’s administration: State Secretary Sudi Silalahi and Deputy Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsuddin.

“The aim is to topple Yudhoyono through de-legitimization of his rule, to show that civilian-controlled government is failing and that we should go back to military rule,” he told the Globe. “That has happened during the administrations of [former presidents] [B.J.] Habibie and Gus Dur [Abdurrahman Wahid].”

Mutual Interests

Muchdi, the retired major general, has confirmed that he has close relationships with hard-line Muslim figures. “I have friends from almost every Muslim organization and yes, some of them are radicals,” he told the Globe.

He was cautious, however, about revealing the extent of those ties with radicals. “All I can say is that these [hard-liners] don’t have a political vehicle to channel their aspirations. They just want their voices heard by the government,” he said.

“I don’t agree with violence and every Muslim organization that I have talked to feels the same way. There is not a single political party that can facilitate their needs, that is why some rogue elements within the organizations feel frustrated and do [violent] things.”

Muchdi, the former head of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) who was controversially acquitted in 2009 of the murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib, has also been cited as a senior adviser of FUI publication Suara Islam and of Media Dakwah, a publication tied to the Indonesian Islam Propagation Council (DDII).

Although he is open about opposing the existence of the Ahmadiyah, he denied playing a part in religious violence.

“After the cases in Cikeusik [Banten] and Temanggung happened, text messages began circulating saying that me and Tyasno Sudarto were behind the melees,” he said, referring to a mob attack on Ahmadis in Banten that left three sect members dead and the violent riot in the West Java town after a blasphemy trial.

“To me, rumors like that happen almost on a daily basis. Some issues we have to fight back but some I chose to ignore. I don’t know why, but people see me as a hard-line Muslim myself.”

A long time critic of Yudhoyono, Tyasno has been participating in various rallies and activities to oust the president. His disapproval for his former classmate in the military academy had led him to form an unlikely bond with radical Muslims, secular nationalists and other groups frustrated with the sitting administration.

In March 2010, Tyasno joined hard-line Muslim activists in an event organized by HTI to denounce the growing economic influence of the United States in Indonesia.

The retired Army chief did little to hide his alliance with hard-line groups during the interview with Al Jazeera.

“We work together to enlighten each other. Our angle is different. They fight in the name of Islam, we use national politics. But we have a common goal, which is change. We want to save our country, not destroy it. The revolution should be peaceful, not anarchist or bloody,” he said.

Al Jazeera cited a Web site that detailed a proposed cabinet line-up for the so-called Islamic government — which included Tyasno — drafted by FUI’s Al Khaththath, himself a member of the HTI and former chairman.

Like Muchdi, Kivlan denied sponsoring religious violence and suggested Muslim groups channel their resentment toward the Ahmadiyah in a court of law.

“For me, the solution is simple. Launch a legal action [against the sect]. The same with Ahmadiyah, if they feel intimidated, report it. Don’t take this problem to the street … let the court decide. Only then will all problems be solved,” he told reporters after his name circulated as a mastermind of attacks against members of the sect.

Old Ties

But despite the denials, it is hard not to question how hardliners have continued to enjoy impunity without the presence of political support from powerful figures.

In February, hard-line groups began demanding that Yudhoyono step down unless he issued a decree banning the Ahmadiyah, just days after the president announced plans to disband organizations that used violence to further their goals.

“The fact that the government is reluctant to dissolve hard-line groups suggests that these organizations have support from powerful people. He wouldn’t even touch HTI, which is clearly trying to establish an Islamic state and replace our national ideology. That’s treason,” human rights activist and noted military critic Usman Hamid told the Globe.

In 1965, the military began establishing close ties with Muslim groups in order to fight communists. It is widely estimated that close to a million people were killed in an ensuing witch hunt for Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) supporters.

During the Suharto regime, the military maintained the relationships, including with former elements of the Darul Islam and the Islamic Troops of Indonesia (TII), which launched a widespread rebellion during the Sukarno era in a failed attempt to establish a theocracy.

The military allegedly capitalized on the relationships during the final days of Suharto’s 32-year regime by inciting hatred toward the Chinese ethnic minority through rumors that they had caused the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98. A widespread riot occurred in May 1998, targeting Chinese businesses and homes.

After the fall of Suharto, the ethnic violence spread throughout the islands of Java, Borneo, Sulawesi and the Malukus.

Witnesses detected a similar pattern in the seemingly separate conflicts and reported the presence of unidentified men provoking an attack on other religious groups. “What we are seeing today is a re-establishment of old ties. There is a good chance that similar conflicts would occur again,” Usman said.

In a recent interview with the Globe, Mahmudi Haryono, alias Yusuf, a former terrorism convict who once participated in religious violence in Poso, said that the best possible way to disrupt national stability in Indonesia would be to incite another violent religious conflict.

“There are thousands of us who ‘graduated’ from Moro, Poso and Ambon. This is a time of peace so most of us just carry on with our daily lives. But when there is another conflict, they would leave their job and everything they have and fight. A lot of people that I know feel that way,” he said.

“I realized, even back then, that the jihadist movement has been exploited by political power to destabilize the government. But blind faith and the notion that Muslims are under attack can prompt radical Muslims to do just about anything.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/indonesia/is-dislike.../438560

Exclusive: Secret Report Reveals How BIN Misread Threat to Ahmadiyah

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Exclusive: Secret Report Reveals How BIN Misread Threat to Ahmadiyah

Nivell Rayda | April 30, 2011

Defendants on trial for the gruesome slaying of three Ahmadiyah followers await there trial at a Banten courthouse on Tuesday. A document obtained by the Jakarta Globe reveals that the State Intelligence Agency totally misread the threat facing Ahmadiyah.

When the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front attacked demonstrators rallying in support of the embattled Ahmadiyah sect on June 1, 2008, many believed that fundamentalists would go to any length until they succeeded in ridding Indonesia of the minority Islamic group.

Many more had predicted that the issuance of a joint ministerial decree (SKB) — which bans Ahmadis from practicing their faith in public and proselytizing — a week after the rally would not be enough to halt intimidation and discrimination against members of the sect.

A secret document obtained by the Jakarta Globe, however, suggests there was one institution that believed otherwise: the State Intelligence Agency (BIN).

‘Unfounded Concerns’

A month after the June 2008 attack on the rally at the National Monument (Monas), BIN prepared a 180-page assessment on the expected implications of the decree. In the document, BIN claimed it had found no indications that persecution, torture or intimidation of the sect’s members would continue.

“Concerns that there would be an escalation of violence following the enactment of the SKB, prove to be unfounded,” according to the preface of this document, written by Bambang Karsono, a BIN expert on social and cultural affairs. “In fact, members of Ahmadiyah, who have become … targets of attacks, have so far been passive in response to the enactment.

“The reaction [to the SKB] from the opponents of Ahmadiyah appears to be modest. Although they still demand the complete disbandment of Ahmadiyah, apparently they feel that the banning of its [Ahmadiyah’s] activities is enough,” the document continues.

The same document, however, acknowledges the presence of hard-line groups that, according to BIN’s assessment, “have the potential to use violence to deal with Ahmadiyah.”

It then went on to identify the groups that might cause trouble: the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), the Islamic People’s Forum (FUI), the Indonesian Committee for Solidarity with the Islamic World (Kisdi), Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Ittihadul Muballighin, the Indonesian Islamic Propagation Council (DDII) and the Islamic Union (Persis).

But BIN had focused its attention mainly on the expected reactions within Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, the country’s largest Islamic organizations, which have always chosen peaceful methods in voicing objections against the Ahmadiyah.

Mufti Makaarim, executive director of the Institute for Defense, Security and Peace Studies, said he had no doubts whatsoever the documents obtained by the Globe were authentic.

“This is not a top-secret operations document. This is more of an academic analysis that BIN obtained. Still, it is not meant for public scrutiny,” Mufti told the Globe, adding that the structure and format is consistent with other documents produced by the intelligence agency.

“BIN’s suggestions on the implications of the SKB on Ahmadiyah are deeply flawed, because none of its predictions came true. The data is quite comprehensive so I assume the problem lies with the analysis,” Mufti added.

Hard-Liners Underestimated

As events since the Monas rally have proven, attacks and persecution against Ahmadiyah communities nationwide grew at the hands of hard-line groups like the FPI, the FUI and the HTI.

Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said that Ahmadiyah communities in Indonesia have paid the price for BIN’s flawed analysis.

“The document suggests that BIN naively underestimated the Islamist militant groups [in its analytical report]. Attacks on Ahmadiyah have steadily increased following the 2008 decree,” she told the Globe.

Last year, an entire Ahmadiyah village in Bogor was ransacked. On Feb. 26, three Ahmadis were brutally murdered in the subdistrict of Cikeusik in Banten, by a lynch mob of some 1,500 people.

Ahmadis have not even found refuge in death. Last month, the grave of a recently deceased Ahmadi was dug up by a mob, and his body removed from a Bandung cemetery.

Instead of protecting the beleaguered community, the government has put the blame on Ahmadiyah, with Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali saying the sect should be disbanded.

A crucial tenet in Islam is that Muhammad was the final prophet. But mainstream Muslim organizations accuse Ahmadiyah of considering its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908), to be a prophet as well.

Sect members have faced intense discrimination as a consequence. Ahmadis in West Nusa Tenggara live in abject poverty, shunned by mainstream Muslim communities. Ahmadiyah members say that in some areas the government refused to issue marriage certificates or renew their identification cards.

Limits to the Rule of Law

In its 2008 report, “Indonesia: Implications of the Ahmadiyah Decree,” the Brussels-based International Crisis Group predicted the SKB would increase the likelihood of religious vigilantism.

“The decree satisfied no one except a few members of the parliament,” ICG said.

“Hard-liners felt it did not go far enough and, scenting victory, pressed for more.”

BIN in its analysis assumed that mainstream Muslim groups would take any Ahmadiyah violations of the decree to the courts of law. But the intelligence agency underestimated the violent nature of hard-line groups.

FPI figures responsible for the June 2008 attack were later sent to prison for a year, a punishment many saw as too lenient in relation to the damage they had done to the nation’s image of religious tolerance and freedom.

Persecution against Ahmadiyah members occurred time and again because of police inaction, the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy has said.

The Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI) recorded more than 150 cases of attacks and intimidation after the SKB was enacted. Perpetrators were brought to trial in just two cases. Those found guilty would be sentenced to less than a year in prison, while the actual masterminds behind the attack would often not even be prosecuted.

Perceptions and Promises

A 2010 study by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) showed that 30.2 percent of 1,000 respondents supported acts of violence against the sect.

While making no connection to the issuance of the decree, LSI researcher Adrian Sopa said that this was a sharp increase to a similar survey in 2005 that showed only 13.9 percent of respondents backed such moves. The 2005 survey was conducted after the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) reaffirmed Ahmadiyah’s blasphemous status.

The MUI had declared Ahmadiyah deviant in 1980, but acts of violence against the sect were suppressed under former President Suharto’s iron-fisted rule. However, as soon as the regime was toppled, some Muslim groups brought up the issue again.

After former President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid — who many deemed a champion of religious tolerance — stepped down in 2001, the call intensified and a string of violence against Ahmadiyah was set in motion.

The government also made empty pledges about the protection of Ahmadiyah’s right to practice its beliefs.

On Feb. 27, 2006, then Religious Affairs Minister Maftuh Basyuni said that if Ahmadiyah would call its founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad a mere reformer and not a prophet of Islam “then all problems would be solved.”

On Jan. 14, 2008, then JAI chairman Abdul Basit issued a document titled “Twelve Commitments of Ahmadiyah” which stated that the Ahmadiyah community believes Muhammad to be the final prophet of Islam.

But despite JAI’s wish to be welcomed into the mainstream Muslim community, the ministry continued to push for the dissolution of Ahmadiyah or have it declared a separate religion, thus banning Ahmadiyah from using Islamic attributes like the Koran.

So far, the government has stopped short of disbanding Ahmadiyah altogether. The BIN document argues that Ahmadiyah met all of the formal requirements to legally exist.

‘International Embarrassment’

The BIN dossier also suggests the agency was concerned about Ahmadis members seeking asylum abroad, on the grounds of persecution. “This would be an international embarrassment. There is a need for diplomatic talks with countries presumed to be the destination of asylum seekers,” the document says.

“It’s disturbing that BIN seems more worried about the potential for embarrassment if Ahmadis seek refuge abroad than about their being beaten to death by other Indonesians,” HRW’s Pearson said.

Firdaus Mubarik, JAI spokesman, said BIN’s underestimating the anti-Ahmadiyah movement was to have dire consequences.

“They forgot about the potential for violence, which led to terror and murder.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/indonesia/exclusive.../438263

Ahmadiyah Attack Trial Begins Under Heavy Security

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Ahmadiyah Attack Trial Begins Under Heavy Security

Jakarta Globe | April 26, 2011

Roni Pasaroni was one of three Ahmadiyah members killed by a 1,500-strong mob in Cikeusik, Banten, on Feb. 6. The trial for the 12 suspects in the case opens today. (Photo courtesy of JAI)

The opening trial for 12 men facing charges in relation to the deadly attack on an Ahmadiyah community in Cikeusik, Banten, started under tight security on Tuesday at the Serang District Court.

More than a thousand police officers were deployed to stand guard within a 200-meter radius from the court. Two water cannons and three Barracuda armored vehicles were also on stand by.

Police officers inspecting the damaged house of an Ahmadi after it was attacked by an Islamist mob in Pandeglang, Banten, on Feb. 6. The trial of 12 suspects in the attack, which left three Ahmadis dead, opened under heavy security on Tuesday.

“We deployed 1,095 officers,” Banten Police’s head of operations, Sr. Comr. Budiarto, was quoted as saying by the National Police Web site.

All those attending the hearing were required to go through three baggage checks and no private vehicles were allowed in the court parking lot.

Prosecutors were scheduled on Tuesday to read the indictments of the 12 defendants in bloody Feb. 6 incident that left three Ahmadis dead and five severely injured.

The attack, which was filmed and posted on YouTube, saw a mob of about a thousand attacking a house that sheltered 25 members of the minority Islamic sect.

Bebi, 45, is one of the survivors of the Cikeusik attack that saw three people killed. Critics say most media have failed to highlight the victims' plight and instead debated the validity of the unorthodox sect's teachings. (JG Photo/Nivell Rayda)

Human Rights Watch has issued a statement urging authorities to provide full protection for everyone attending the trial.

“For the Cikeusik trial to be a step toward ending religious violence in Indonesia, the police need to ensure the security of everyone in the courtroom,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.

“Witnesses brave enough to testify, as well as judges and prosecutors, should not have to face intimidation.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-terrorism.../437317

As Terrorism Takes on a New Face, the President Needs to Find His Backbone

OPINION

As Terrorism Takes on a New Face, the President Needs to Find His Backbone

Bramantyo Prijosusilo | April 26, 2011

The recent arrests of suspected terrorists reveal that our new generation of extremists has little contact with the older generations, who were radicalized and trained through direct experience and contact with international networks.

These new terror suspects, the police say, have more or less radicalized themselves relatively independently from the traditional connections to conflict areas in Central Asia or the Philippines. This new generation of suspects consists of individuals who studied in universities who radicalized themselves through jihadi Web sites and discussion forums on the Internet, and through the study of jihadi books and videos that are disseminated in Indonesia through the Internet.

In other words, this new breed of suspected terrorists is the fruit of the labors of such Web sites as arrahmah.com, almuhajirun.net and other active sites of various shades of Islamist fundamentalism and extremism. The proliferation of such sites, from the pseudo-intellectual offerings of the one managed by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and bizarrely obnoxious sites such as that of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), to the Web site of the state-sponsored Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) means that we have no shortage of online material needed to radicalize a young man or woman and make them hate this country and the democratic, pluralist society we are developing here.

The fact that so many sites and organizations can actively incite hatred against our republic and against different groups in our society, to the point that they blatantly support the use of violence against the state and against fellow members of our society, testifies of the weakness of our government and our laws.

As a nation we have had traumatic experiences with the use of rubber-band laws that in the past were employed by the government to silence critics and dissenters, so we are cautious not to give the government too many powers that they can use against critics.

But when people like Sobri Lubis from the FPI scream at an audience of a religious gathering, urging them to kill Ahmadiyah followers, declaring that their blood is halal and that he will take responsibility for their killing, there should be legal ways to hold him to account — especially after we have seen that Ahmadiyah followers have been brutally killed by a mob reportedly affiliated with the FPI.

Sadly, our president has not the courage that this nation expects from its leaders, and he has even let the Islamist mobs go so far as threatening to bring about a revolution while at the same time calling the head of state vile names. Not only did these people get away with slandering the president and inciting murder, when these people demonstrated in front of the palace they were actually invited to come in for a chat!

It appears that Islamist fundamentalism in our country works on two fronts. The first hides under a cloak of legitimacy and steers away from appearing directly involved in violence but it actively preaches hatred against democracy, secularism, pluralism and religious liberalism. This group maintains a respectable image and has exponents in respectable institutions such as the MUI. These people a few years back began their offensive against secularism, pluralism and liberalism, by, among other things, defining pluralism as “the belief that all religions are the same.”

This apparently intentional misreading of pluralism is one of the bases of the argument that the MUI uses to declare that because secularism, liberalism and pluralism are threatening the basic tenets of Islam (such as the belief in the superiority of Shariah law), they are evil.

These evils, the MUI says, would lead people to follow manmade laws instead of Shariah. In other words the MUI is saying that our Constitution and our state are wrong and evil and we should adopt religious law instead.

What utter audacity from a state-sponsored institution that is also considered by graft watchdogs to be one of the most corrupt institutions in the country! Critics have also pointed out that the unconstitutional and uncivilized prosecution of the Ahmadiyah Muslims was also driven by the theological support of a fatwa by the MUI.

If the MUI declared liberal Islam as haram, then Rizieq Shihab on his FPI Web site has added a dose of vitriol to the brewing hate stew. According to him, liberal Islam is more satanic than Satan himself! So it comes as no surprise if some young university graduates who, wanting to contribute in the worldwide jihad to establish an Islamic caliphate that implements the one and only true Islam, should also learn how to make a bomb “in your mother’s kitchen” and package it in a book to send to one of the pioneers of the liberal Islam network here, the Democratic Party politician Ulil Abshar-Abdalla. That a poorly trained policeman lost his hand in the explosion that followed is further evidence of just how ill-prepared we are to rise up to the challenge of this new generation of terrorists.

To stop this deeply disturbing development in the recruitment of terrorists in our country, the president should demonstrate at least a minimum of firmness. Who would believe that we are a nation that fought a war of independence against the might of the Japanese, the British and the Dutch, considering all the meetings it took before any kind of military decision was taken in response to the kidnapping of our sailors by Somali pirates?

All throughout society people are talking about how fearful President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is to take any position on any issue. Rumors are that he is held hostage by his political enemies and the skeletons in his cupboards. If this is true, he should be a patriot and step down, for this country deserves a president who can and will fight for the Constitution and protect its citizens. If it is not true then he should immediately make moves to erase the image of cowardice and rein in those who are attacking the foundations of our state, particularly as some of those are ministers in his cabinet.

The names that people have called the head of state, and the liberties taken in disregard of the Constitution, are attacks that cannot be left unpunished.

Bramantyo Prijosusilo is a writer, artist and broadcast journalist in East Java.

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-terrorism.../437317

NU Leader Asks for a Return to Peace in Islam

NEWS

NU Leader Asks for a Return to Peace in Islam

April 20, 2011

The chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, the country’s largest Islamic organization, on Tuesday repeated his call for Muslims to practice tolerance and peace.

“Islam means peace,” said KH Said Aqil Siradj, NU chairman. “Muslims might not reflect peace because of four factors: poverty, ignorance, Middle East-sponsored ideologies and incorrect interpretations of Islam.”

Speaking at a book discussion at the organization’s headquarters in Central Jakarta, Said Aqil said he lamented the fact that people had begun to forget the peaceful philosophy of Islam.

“In the 13 years the Prophet Muhammad spent in Mecca, he never declared war against those who practiced idolatry, nor did he order his men to destroy the statues.”

The idols were eventually destroyed when the people of Mecca converted to Islam.

“Muhammad, during his glory days, never declared Medina as an Islamic state. The word Medina means civilized,” Said Aqil said.

Said Aqil added that he was shocked by the suicide bomb at the Cirebon Police mosque last week. “NU has a well-established tradition in Cirebon, but that tradition was destroyed by a child last week,” he said.

Said Aqil also claimed that NU was under threat by Wahabi-funded foundations that dislike the traditional Islam of the group.

Yenny Wahid, the daughter of former president and NU senior figure Abdurrahman Wahid, said open discussion was needed to construct peace and reduce distrust among people.

“Without dialogue, there will be no knowledge, and our people can be easily provoked because they may not understand things,” she said.

Tuesday’s discussion was centered on a book published by Yenny’s Wahid Institute in collaboration with Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai titled “Dialogue on Civilizations for Tolerance and Peace.” The 309-page book recorded a 2-year correspondence between Abdurrahman and Buddhist leader and writer Daisaku Ikeda, and promotes a message of peace through continuous dialogue to bridge differences.

Meanwhile, dozens of members of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Force of the Defenders of Islam (LPI) sealed an Ahmadiyah mosque in Pekanbaru, Riau.

“What we did was on behalf of Islam, FPI is at the front as the coordinator and we are ready to face anyone including the law,” said Feli Rizieq, coordinator of FPI Pekanbaru.

Ulma Haryanto & Antara

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/nu-leader.../436400

Nine Months for Ahmadi Found Guilty of Stabbing

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Nine Months for Ahmadi Found Guilty of Stabbing

Vento Saudale | April 19, 2011

Ahmad Nuryamin

Bogor. An Ahmadi man was sentenced to nine months in jail on Monday for stabbing a teenager following an attack by hundreds of hard-line Muslims on an Ahmadiyah community in Cisalada, Bogor district, in October.

Ahmad Nuryamin, 30, was found guilty of stabbing 15-year-old Rendy Apriansyah, from the neighboring village of Pasar Salasa, during the commotion following a mob attack on the Cisalada Ahmadiyah community on Oct. 1, said Eddy Wibisono, the head of the panel of judges.

Eddy said witnesses, including the victim himself, had identified the defendant as the man who carried out the stabbing.

Eddy also said the panel of judges took into consideration the fact that “before the stabbing, the Ahmadiyah complex was set on fire.”

Ahmad was charged with violating an article of the penal code on abuse and a 1951 emergency law on possession and use of a pointed weapon. The charges carry up to five years in jail

Eddy said that Ahmad was only found guilty of the penal code violation.

Both the defendant’s lawyer, Nurkholis Hidayat, and the prosecutor, Nuraini, said they needed time to decide whether to lodge an appeal against the verdict.

Nurkholis, who is from the Jakarta Institute of Legal Aid, said the judges had ignored the background to the stabbing.

“It is true that in the hearing, Yamin [Ahmad] admitted that he had stabbed someone, but the judges ignored testimonies that said there was an attack that prompted the stabbing,” he said.

He said the defense counsel might appeal, arguing that the stabbing was an act of self-defence in the face of an attack, but lawyers would first discuss the matter with the defendant and his family.

Meanwhile, Ahmad said he accepted the verdict.

“I accept it, but will leave it entirely in the hands of my lawyer,” he said.

A court in Cibinong district last week sentenced three of those who attacked Ahmadiyah followers to terms of between four and six months.

The attack in Cisalada, home to about 600 followers of Ahmadiyah, also targeted homes and schools of the group, which has come under increasing attack by Islamic hard-liners in Bogor and other parts of West Java.

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/nine-months.../436206

Ahmadi gets 9 months in prison

CITYTue, 04/19/2011 10:29 PM

Ahmadi gets 9 months in prison

The Jakarta Post, Bogor, West Java

BOGOR: A devotee of the religious sect Ahmadiyah, Ahmad Nuryamin, has been sentenced to nine months in prison for attacking a fellow resident of Cisalada, Bogor, West Java.

Nuryamin was found guilty by a panel of judges at Cibinong District Court of stabbing Rendy Apriyansah, who had been part of a mob that had previously attacked the Ahmadiyah compound in Cisalada.

Nuryamin said in his defense statement that he had been protecting himself.

Nuryamin’s defense team said their client would appeal the decision.

The stabbing incident prompted a mob attack on the Ahmadiyah compound, in which a mosque and houses in the neighborhood were torched.

Supporters of Rendy said the defendant should have been given a harsher punishment.

“It should have been nine years instead of nine months,” Cisalada local Jubaedah said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com. — JP

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/04/19/ahmadi-gets...html

Indonesia Risks Taking Pakistan’s Path to Intolerance

OPINION

Indonesia Risks Taking Pakistan’s Path to Intolerance

Ali Dayan Hasan | April 18, 2011

Radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, currently on trial on terrorism charges, is a symbol of religious intolerance in Indonesia. (Reuters Photo/Beawiharta)

Were a hundred Indonesians to die in a suicide bombing, one would expect Indonesian politicians, political parties and religious groups to condemn it no matter who the victims were. But when such an attack occurred last year in Pakistan, silence ruled the day. The one political leader who spoke out was the target of vitriol from religious parties and groups. Frighteningly, the series of events that led Pakistan down this path appears to be repeating itself in Indonesia.

On May 28, 2010, Islamist militants attacked two Ahmadiyah mosques in the central Pakistani city of Lahore with guns, grenades and suicide bombs, killing 94 people and injuring well over a hundred. The Punjabi Taliban, a local affiliate of the Pakistani Taliban, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, claimed responsibility. The Taliban have targeted not just Ahmadis but all Pakistanis — regardless of religious or sectarian affiliation. The Pakistani opposition leader Nawaz Sharif condemned this attack on “brothers and sisters who are Pakistani citizens.”

Yet his statement was greeted with anger by religious political parties and groups led by the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Pakistan branch of the Khatm-e-Nabuwat — an international Islamist umbrella organization dedicated to the “preservation of the finality of the Prophet Muhammad’s prophethood,” which considers Ahmadis heretics. It was a very ugly moment for Pakistani society.

The Ahmadiyah community has long been persecuted in Pakistan. What has happened in Pakistan is instructive in understanding the nature and potential objectives of those attacking — verbally and physically — the Ahmadiyah community in Indonesia. The situation for Ahmadis in Indonesia suggests a similar pattern of systematic persecution and a similar trend toward legalized discrimination against all Ahmadis for their religious beliefs and practices. Moreover, there are clear and specific ideological links between anti-Ahmadi organizations in Pakistan and Indonesia.

In 1974, Pakistan’s Parliament introduced constitutional amendments that defined the term “Muslim” in the Pakistani context and listed groups that were, under the law, to be considered non-Muslim. The amendment, which went into effect on Sept. 6, 1974, explicitly deprived Ahmadis of their identity as Muslims.

In 1984, five ordinances in Pakistan’s penal code were amended to explicitly target religious minorities: a law against blasphemy; a law punishing the defiling of the Koran; a prohibition against insulting the wives, family or companions of the Prophet of Islam; and two laws specifically restricting the Ahmadis’ activities. On April 26, 1984, Pakistani dictator Gen. Zia ul-Haq issued these last two laws as part of Martial Law Ordinance XX.

Ordinance XX undercut the activities of religious minorities generally, but struck at Ahmadis in particular by prohibiting them from “indirectly or directly posing as a Muslim.”

Ahmadis thus could no longer profess their faith, either orally or in writing. Pakistani police destroyed Ahmadi translations of and commentaries on the Koran and banned Ahmadi publications, the use of any Islamic terminology on Ahmadi wedding invitations, the offering of Ahmadi funeral prayers and the displaying of the Kalima — the statement that “there is no god but Allah, Muhammad is Allah’s prophet,” the principal creed of Muslims — on Ahmadi gravestones.

In addition, Ordinance XX prohibited Ahmadis from declaring their faith publicly, propagating their faith, building mosques or making the call for Muslim prayer. In short, virtually any public act of worship or devotion by an Ahmadi could be treated as a criminal offense.

With the passage of the Criminal Law Act of 1986, Parliament added Section 295-C to the Pakistan Penal Code. The “Blasphemy Law,” as it came to be known, prescribed the death penalty for blasphemy. With Section 295-C, Zia and the Pakistani government institutionalized the persecution of Ahmadis as well as other minorities in Pakistan. The Ahmadi belief in the prophethood of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is considered blasphemous insofar as it “defiled the name of Prophet Muhammad.” Therefore, theoretically, Ahmadis can be sentenced to death for simply professing their faith.

As a consequence, Ahmadi mosques have been burned, their graves desecrated and their very existence criminalized. Since the 1980s, hundreds of Ahmadis have been formally charged in criminal cases for professing their religion. Scores of Ahmadis have been specifically charged with blasphemy; several have been convicted and face life imprisonment or death sentences, pending appeal. The offenses included wearing an Islamic slogan on a shirt, planning to build an Ahmadi mosque in Lahore and distributing Ahmadi literature in a public square. As a result, thousands of Ahmadis have fled Pakistan to seek asylum abroad.

Not surprisingly, anti-Ahmadiyah prejudice remains widespread in Pakistan. The foundation of legalized discrimination laid by the Pakistani state has played into the hands of the Taliban and other militant sectarian groups. The suicide bombings and other attacks on Ahmadis by these groups in recent times are only a deadly extension of the Pakistani state’s legal regime against its Ahmadi citizens since 1974. And all Pakistanis are affected: the Taliban demand that either Pakistanis accept their version of Islam as the true faith or face discrimination, flee or live in fear for their lives.

The horrific example of Pakistan should instill fear in the heart of every Indonesian. Last week’s suicide bombing attack on the Cirebon Police mosque in West Java provides an ominous foretaste of what lies ahead unless extremism nurtured by bigotry is checked before it consumes Indonesian society. For, much like their Pakistani counterparts, those who espouse extremism in Indonesia are turning on their own state and its security forces.

In Indonesia, as in Pakistan, Ahmadis are easy targets in times of religious and political insecurity. Following the June 2008 national decree that bans the Ahmadiyah from publicly practicing their faith, punishable by up to five years in prison, provincial governments have increasingly issued anti-Ahmadiyah bans —16 provinces and regencies have done so since 2006.

These provincial bans on Ahmadiyah activities breed intolerance, discrimination and, as the increasing attacks against Ahmadis in Indonesia show, violence. In February, Islamist militants beat three Ahmadis to death in Cikeusik village, Banten. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should immediately void the 2008 national decree and all the provincial decrees. He should ensure that the police act quickly to protect the Ahmadiyah from violence and hold perpetrators accountable. Indonesia’s reputation as a tolerant society is at grave risk.

Today it’s the Ahmadis, tomorrow, as in Pakistan, it could be you.

Ali Dayan Hasan is the senior South Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/commentary/indonesia-risks.../435924

Banten Wants Tolerance, Bogor Bans Christians

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Banten Wants Tolerance, Bogor Bans Christians

April 18, 2011

The governor of Banten called on Sunday for greater tolerance in her province and across the nation after ethnic and religious violence flared up in recent months.

“Differences in ethnicity and religion should not be an obstacle to building the Banten we all love,” Ratu Atut Chosiyah said. “With all its potential, Banten is a [microcosm] of Indonesia’s diversity.”

“We should safeguard this [diversity] so peace can prevail,” she added.

The governor said 11 years of peace had prevailed in the province until recent attacks.

In February, three members of minority Muslim sect Ahmadiyah were killed by a mob after they refused to leave a cleric’s house in Cikeusik subdistrict, Pandeglang.

“[Harmony] has been sullied a little bit,” the governor said. “I hope this kind of incident will not repeat itself in the future. This has become a valuable lesson.”

Ratu was speaking at a Chinese cultural program in Tangerang, Banten, which saw violent clashes between law enforcement officers and residents last year when the local government tried to evict more than 1,000 people from a poor community in Neglasari.

Residents of Cina Benteng have been in mediated talks with the Tangerang administration over the eviction attempts, which are part of a bid to reclaim land along the Cisadane riverbank.

Ratu, who toured the settlement on Sunday, said the problems faced by ethnic Chinese residents in Neglasari should be settled through peaceful dialogue.

However, Tangerang officials have so far failed to appear in the dialogues, which were initiated by the central government and the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to resolve the issue.

Nevertheless, Edi Lim, head of the Cina Benteng Community Forum, thanked Ratu on Sunday for her support in the long-running land dispute and her efforts to bring back peace in the province.

On the same day, however, protesters in Bogor, West Java, rallied against a ban against worshipping that was enforced against the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin congregation.

Hundreds of demonstrators claiming to belong to the Forum for Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Forbathin), a group advocating unity in diversity, held the rally in front of the Bogor State Palace on Sunday.

“This ban on worship on the Yasmin church is no longer a local problem,” one of the protesters said. “This is only an example of the intolerance that is taking place under the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.”

GKI Yasmin has been fighting with Bogor authorities, who have closed down its churches and banned followers from practicing their faith, despite a Supreme Court verdict affirming the group’s right to worship.

In moves that further fueled religious tensions, the governors of West and East Java have issued decrees banning Ahmadiyah from proselytizing.

Critics say such policies encourage attacks against minority faiths and hamper efforts to foster religious tolerance.

Antara

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/banten-wants.../436062

Over 400 Ahmadis ‘On Right Path,’ West Java Governor Says

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Over 400 Ahmadis ‘On Right Path,’ West Java Governor Says

Yuli Krisna | April 15, 2011

More than 400 members of the beleaguered Ahmadiyah have converted to mainstream Islam since a ban on their activities was issued in West Java, officials claimed on Thursday.

West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan said encouraging conversions was the main objective of the ban, which he ordered on March 3.

The ban followed a series of attacks against the minority sect by mainstream Muslims and hard-liners.

“This is a truly historic moment,” Ahmad said.

“More than 400 Ahmadis have rushed to embrace true Islam. Our aim is to put these people on the right path.”

He added that in order to renounce their faith, there was a 12-point program that the Ahmadis had to follow, including acknowledging Muhammad as the last prophet in Islam.

The animosity toward the Ahmadis stems from the sect’s belief that its founder, Mirza Gulam Ahmad, was a prophet, albeit subordinate to Muhammad.

This difference in opinion has resulted in Ahmadiyah followers being subjected to attacks and other forms of persecution.

However, the governor defended the decree banning the sect’s activities as a means of ensuring an end to the violent attacks. “There’s more security with the decree in place,” he said.

Rafiq Ahmad Sumadi Gandakusuma, a spokesman for the Ahmadiyah congregation in the province, however, disputed that claim. He pointed out that on April 3, a mob attacked five homes belonging to sect members in Bogor.

“Besides, the decree is unconstitutional,” he told the Jakarta Globe.

He also said the mass conversion of Ahmadis to mainstream Islam was not significant given that most of them “weren’t really believers, so it was always going to be easy to sway them.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/over-400-ahmadis.../435520

Govt Tells Bogor Villagers It Will Deal With Ahmadis

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Govt Tells Bogor Villagers It Will Deal With Ahmadis

April 07, 2011

A West Java government team dealing with the province’s beleaguered Ahmadiyah community on Thursday called on area residents to leave the matter of the sect to the administration.

Speaking at the village hall of Ciaruteun Udik in Bogor district, where attacks against the sect’s members have repeatedly taken place, West Java Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Endang Saprudin said people must remain patient when dealing with the sect members, and abstain from resorting to violence against them.

“Entrust the handling to the central government,” he said, adding that Ahmadis should be treated like a family member who had strayed and needed help to return to the true path.

“Do this with patience, as our Prophet taught us, and through family approaches. People should not get jailed just because they had become impatient in facing the Ahmadiyah community,” he said.

Endang reminded the villagers that while sect members could not be legally punished for their beliefs, people who committed acts of violence against them could face legal consequences.

He also called on local leaders to adopt a personal approach in attempting to convert Ahmadis to “true” Islam.

Dadun, a religious leader from Ciaruteun Udik, called on security personnel to be firm in acting against the Ahmadiyah. He also called on the government to not only ban the sect’s activities, but to ban the sect altogether.

“There should not be another conflict erupting in society,” Dadun said.

The government has decreed that Ahmadis are prohibited from worshiping in public and from proselytizing, but has stopped short of banning the sect. Rights activists have blamed the decree for inciting violence against Ahmadiyah communities in the country, including in West Java.

Late on Tuesday, five Ahmadi houses were attacked by a group of villagers in Ciaruteun Udik. There were no casualties as the houses’ occupants had fled earlier.

Ahmad Hidayat, a local Ahmadiyah leader, said he had instructed sect members in the village to flee and seek shelter and safety at a neighboring Ahmadiyah community in Cisalada.

In recent years, persecution and violent attacks have marked the lives of Ahmadis across Indonesia, with the government accusing them of leading more and more Muslims astray.

The Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), the country’s highest authority on Islam, declared Ahmadiyah to be a deviant religious sect in an edict issued last year.

The council believes that the substance of Ahmadiyah doctrines contravenes Islamic teachings for stating that the Prophet Muhammad is not the last prophet. Vento Saudale

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/govt-tells.../434096

RI media playing up Ahmadiyah issues: expert

NATIONAL Thu, 04/07/2011 7:19 PM

RI media playing up Ahmadiyah issues: expert

The Jakarta Post

A communications expert from Surabaya’s Airlangga University has accused the Indonesian media of playing up the issues of Islamic minority sect Ahmadiyah, saying there is actually no such thing as religious conflict in Indonesia.

Rachmah Ida, a lecturer in communication science, further said that the Indonesian media were “politicizing” religious issues for the sake of business and political interests.

“They play up more or less the same issues, such as religious and ethnic conflicts, unity in diversity issues, the failed state … “Rachmah said as she addressed a workshop of the Asia Journalism Forum (AJF) in Singapore on Thursday.

“The Indonesian media have never changed their stance on Ahmadiyah, and that speaks a lot about how much they’re playing with the issue,” she added, as quoted by Antara.

Rachmah cited as an example how a major Indonesian publication group publishes two newspapers in Maluku, which was plagued with religious conflicts between Muslims and Christians in the past.

One of the newspapers sided with the Muslims and the other with the Christians.

She said the group tried to appear balanced, but actually it only did that for the sake of its business.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/04/07/ri-media-playing...

Ahmadi properties attacked in Bogor

JAKARTA Wed, 04/06/2011 2:33 PM

Ahmadi properties attacked in Bogor

The Jakarta Post

Five houses belonging to followers of the Ahmadiyah sect in West Java were attacked on Tuesday night, causing damage to their roofs and windows, one of the residents says.

The attack happened at around 11 p.m., at houses belonging to Narsih, Wahyudin, Nasir, Usman and Ari in Ciaruteun Udik village, Bogor.

Narsih said the residents whose houses were attacked left before the incident because they were already forewarned of the plan.

“During the attack the houses were empty,” Narsih said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.

The location is currently being guarded by police officers.

The attack was the third of such attack affecting Ahmadis in the last two months. The previous attack occurred in early March.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved
URL: www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/04/06/ahmadi...

Enough Is Enough for Ahmadis

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Enough Is Enough for Ahmadis

Nivell Rayda | March 20, 2011

A member of the Ahmadiyah community in Ciaruteun Udik signs a document stating Islam’s declaration of faith as proof of having renounced his unorthodox beliefs after attacks and calls to convert. (Antara Photo)

When 55-year-old Joni Jailani became the leader of Ciaruteun Udik village in Bogor two years ago, it never crossed his mind that he would be mentioned in newspapers, let alone in the same articles as leaders of the Indonesian Council of Ulema and the local office of the Religious Affairs Ministry.

But that was exactly what happened shortly after 33 of his fellow villagers, including children, said they wanted to return to the fold of mainstream Islam — after long having been adherents of the controversial Ahmadiyah sect.

“This article tells the truth, but the news on television has been exaggerated,” Joni told the Jakarta Globe, pointing to an article recently run by a local newspaper, which he said would be framed and put on a wall as a reminder of his “achievement” in converting those who follow the “blasphemous” sect’s beliefs.

“There was never any intimidation, any coercion or even persuasion, as television reports state. The Ahmadis here just want to live peacefully with their neighbors. Yes, some of them decided to stay with Ahmadiyah and leave, but what good does that do? At their new place they’re not going to be accepted, because of their faith.”

The Ahmadiyah Issue

In recent years, persecution and violent attacks have marked the lives of Ahmadis living across Indonesia. On Feb. 6, three Ahmadis in the subdistrict of Cikeusik, Banten were killed in a brutal attack by a lynch mob of more than 1,500 villagers. And more attacks have followed since.

Instead of protecting this minority sect, the government accuses the Ahmadis of leading more and more Muslims “astray.”

The main bone of contention is the Ahmadiyah view of the Prophet Muhammad.

A crucial tenet in Islam is that Muhammad was the final prophet and the Koran is its holy book. But mainstream Muslim organizations accuse Ahmadiyah of considering its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908), to be a prophet as well.

Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali has also repeatedly said that his officials had found the Ahmadis had a different holy book altogether: Tazkirah.

Ahmadis here however have strongly denied both claims, stressing that Mirza was nothing more than a reformer of Islam, and the Tazkirah was simply a compilation of Mirza’s writings used as a book of religious-philosophical learning.

Indonesian governments at various levels however are not taking chances. Several regions have issued regulations on the basis of a 2008 joint ministerial decree, which bans Ahmadiyah members from proselytizing.

Most recently, East Java Governor Soekarwo and West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan issued decrees that further restrict the movements and activities of the sect.

West Java took matters a step further, coordinating with the local military command and urging mainstream Muslims to occupy Ahmadiyah mosques, with non-Ahmadis leading Friday prayer sermons in hopes to get Ahmadis to “convert to Islam.”

Just a week after the West Java decree was issued, dozens of unidentified men came to Ciaruteun Udik, home to 18 Ahmadiyah families, to target Ahmadis’ homes, pelting them with rocks. But village leader Joni claims the attack was not aimed at converting them.

“I don’t even know who the attackers were. Yes, some villagers here were provoked and joined the attack,” he said. “After the incident, four Ahmadis renounced their faith and joined Islam. The initiative was theirs. I didn’t even try to persuade them.”

The village chief added that four other Ahmadis soon followed suit. “I told them if they were really serious about renouncing their faith they should produce a written statement. And so they did.”

Converting Under Pressure?

Joni agreed to show signed statements that were handwritten by the recent converts.

“You see, they made the statements themselves. This is not formulated by the government. You can see their own handwriting in these statements,” he said.

“See, this letter was written by a man who didn’t finish elementary school. You can’t forge handwriting as terrible as this.”

But converts in Ciaruteun Udik, as well as in the Ahmadiyah community in the neighboring villages of Cimanggu and Cisalada, tell a different story. “You have to ask yourself, if there weren’t any attacks in Ciaruteun Udik, would people convert? Of course not,” one Ahmadi woman who spoke on condition of anonymity told the Globe.

The woman added that after four Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik renounced their faith, local officials harassed the rest of the Ahmadiyah community, urging them to follow suit. “They visited our homes, rounded us up. Even called us round the clock. We were intimidated,” she said.

“I don’t know if this is a coincidence or not. But [on March 13] at around 6 p.m., dozens of people attacked the homes of Ahmadiyah members in Cibuntu [West Java]. Afterward, they marched to Cimanggu and ransacked Ahmadis’ homes at around 8:30 p.m.”

This attack took its toll on the remaining Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik. A total of 29 men, women and children quickly announced they would renounce their faith.

“At that point I felt I had had enough,” 47-year-old Nur Hasan told the Globe. “I just want to live in peace. I don’t want to run away. Where would I go? Where would my children go?”

He recently renounced his Ahmadiyah beliefs and managed to persuade his wife and four children to do the same. Hasan’s father and siblings felt similar pressure and did so as well.

The remainder of those who refused to convert, estimated at around 60 people, have now left the village with their belongings, seeking refuge elsewhere. Their homes, some badly damaged due to attacks, remain abandoned.

Among those who fled Ciaruteun Udik fearing for their safety is 70-year-old Dayat, a Ahmadiyah cleric whose whereabouts are unknown.

“The fact is, the people who converted never felt intimidated by the attack. They told me they had always wanted to convert to Islam, but each time Dayat told them not to,” Joni claimed.

Calls for Violence

In Ciaruteun Udik, there is an eerie silence that looms at every corner of this small village of less than 500 souls.

Outside almost every home people have put up signs reading “Ahlusunnah Wal Jamaah” — signifying the homes belong to members of the mainstream Muslim community. The signs are put up in the hopes that they won’t fall victim to further attacks.

With the exception of Hasan, who agreed to speak at Joni’s home, the remaining former Ahmadis refused to talk about their reasons for renouncing their beliefs. When approached by the Globe, one recent convert specifically asked to be contacted by phone claiming that it was not safe to discuss the matter openly in Ciaruteun Udik.

“My neighbors are watching me, observing my every move to make sure I am not practicing the [Ahmadiyah] faith in secret. I also can’t let you into my house, they might get suspicious and I could be in trouble if I do,” the man said.

Later attempts by the Globe to contact him over the phone were unsuccessful.

Muhammad Isnur, from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik and Leuwisadeng, also in Bogor district, including Dayat, were rounded up a day after the first attack on March 11, shortly after Friday prayers.

“They were briefed by the Bogor Police, officers from the regional military command and the village’s ulema [religious leaders], among others, on the contents of the new gubernatorial decree,” he said. Even though the decree itself is unconstitutional, Muhammad said, the Ahmadis were strongly urged to obey.

“The preaching at mosques has gotten worse — there are calls to kill, attack and hang the Ahmadis,” he said.

Local and international human rights groups have also documented cases where military officers have visited the homes of Ahmadis in several districts in West Java, collecting data and asking people to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.

“They were intimidated into signing a statement,” said Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI).

“The village administration leader also informed them that if they insisted on remaining Ahmadis, it would be difficult for them to get their ID cards processed, and to get their children into schools.”

“The Ahmadis were also offered up to Rp 150,000 [$14] to renounce their beliefs.”

Ruhdiyat Ayyubi Ahmad, a JAI leader, said he did not know where the Ciaruteun Udik Ahmadis who refused to renounce their faith were hiding.

“Ahmadiyah came to Indonesia not through force or coercion, but in peace, so I am saddened to see that it takes violence and intimidation to make them renounce their faith,” Ruhdiyat told the Globe.

“I can understand why some of our brothers and sisters felt they had to leave Ahmadiyah. We don’t see them as enemies or traitors. I am certain that for some, they still feel that Ahmadiyah is the right path for them.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/enough-is...

Military Challenged on Ahmadi Claim

NEWS

Military Challenged on Ahmadi Claim

Ulma Haryanto, Camelia Pasandaran, JG & AFP |
March 18, 2011

A former Ahmadiyah follower in Bogor reciting an affirmation of mainstream Islamic beliefs on Tuesday. On Wednesday, 18 more Ahmadis renounced their faith in Sukabumi. (Antara Photo)

Supporters of the beleaguered Ahmadiyah Islamic sect said on Thursday they would gather testimony to rebuff claims by the military that it had not forced members of the group to renounce their faith.

Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), told the Jakarta Globe that around 50 Ahmadis in the West Java districts of Tasikmalaya, Subang, Bogor and Cirebon were prepared to testify that they had been intimidated by soldiers, state officials and the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) to convert to mainstream Islam.

Nurkholis Hidayat, director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said his office would then use the testimonies to counter the military’s claims that it was not behind the conversions. “All this time they’ve been rebutting our claims, so let’s hear what the victims have to say,” he said.

Reports have emerged over the past week of soldiers visiting Ahmadiyah communities and forcing the members, whose high regard for sect founder Mirza Gulam Ahmad contradicts mainstream Muslims’ belief that Muhammad was the last prophet, to sign statements renouncing their faith.

This comes in the wake of a spate of attacks against the sect by Muslim groups and residents.

However, the government denied forced conversions had occurred, saying the military was acting to protect the sect from violence at the hands of Muslim hard-liners.

On Thursday, rights group Amnesty International urged the government to investigate the allegations of intimidation by the military.

“The Ahmadiyah community is facing increasing restrictions, intimidation and attacks because of their beliefs,” said Josef Roy Benedict, the group’s Indonesia and East Timor campaigner.

Soldiers have entered mosques, gathered followers of the sect and “forced them to repent and convert to Islam,” the group said.

Amnesty called on the authorities “to conduct prompt, independent and impartial investigations” into all reports of intimidation and to bring the perpetrators to justice.

Pressure for the government to end the persecution of the sect has also come from the US House of Representatives.

In an open letter addressed to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and dated Tuesday, a group of 27 US congressmen and women called for legislation discriminating against Ahmadiyah followers to be repealed.

The letter highlighted regional decrees issued in West Java and East Java banning Ahmadiyah members from practicing their faith openly and a 2008 joint ministerial decree limiting their activities.

“Since the 2008 decree banning many significant [Ahmadiyah] activities, violence against the religious minority has steadily escalated,” the letter read. “Not only do the decrees recently issued in East and West Java run contrary to the principles of international human rights, but we also fear that they will only serve to embolden extremists and exacerbate violence against the Ahmadiyah community.”

The letter cited the brutal Feb. 6 attack on Ahmadis in Cikeusik village, Banten, where three Ahmadiyah followers were beaten to death.

The US lawmakers also called for the scrapping of the 1965 Blasphemy Law, which was at the center of an anti-Christian attack in Temanggung, Central Java, shortly after the Cikeusik incident.

Among those who signed the letter were Keith Ellison, the first Muslim elected to the House, and Barney Frank, an openly gay congressman.

Human Rights Watch also condemned violence against the group and urged Yudhoyono to fire Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali — who heads the conservative Islam-based United Development Party (PPP) — for discrimination and to lift the curbs on Ahmadiyah.

Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi rejected the congressmen and women’s request to revoke the joint ministerial decree, saying “deep analysis” of the matter was still needed.

He said there was nothing wrong with the decree, which has consistently been used by hard-liners as justification for attacking Ahmadiyah members.

For his part, Suryadharma said he would have to study the letter first before he could make any decision on revoking the decree.

“I’ll read it first,” he said.

“But every nation has interests that might be different from those of other nations.”

Copyright 2010 The Jakarta Globe
URL: www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/military-challenged...