Rabwah: an oasis of tranquility amidst raging storms

October 07-13, 2011 Vol. XXIII, No. 34

Blog » By Tariq Bashir

Rabwah: an oasis of tranquility amidst raging storms

Apart of the city caught fire or, more probably, was set on fire and under cover of the fire, a mob started targeting a religious minority killing a few big names of the community. Terrified of impending death at the hands of the baying crowd, the remainder took refuge in a building where the ruler was under a legal obligation to protect their lives only to be butchered on coming out even though they had been promised a pardon if they renounced their faith. 150 people died but the perpetrators were only punished lightly with fines; their biggest protector being the fact that they all belonged to the majority religion of the land. In case you are wondering, no, the incident didn’t take place in Lahore on 28 May 2010 against Ahmadis although the murderous human instincts usually reserved for religious/ethnic minorities, almost similar modus operandi and chillingly identical sequence of events with minor changes remain the same almost a millennium later.

The above refers to the infamous Clifford’s Tower massacre of Jews, one of the fiercest and racist pre-expulsion pogroms in medieval York, England in March 1190 which took place a mere six months after the coronation of King Richard I. Try to change the names, location year and especially the eventual rap-on-the-knuckles punishment for the perpetrators from York in 1190 to almost a thousand years later in Lahore in 2010, you will find overwhelming similarities in both incidents extremely disturbing. That’s not all, identical public opinions , in both medieval England and 21st century Pakistan regarding minorities when they are invariably blamed for being at fault when persecuted is chillingly shocking. Emotional scars are seldom healed especially when the victim is a whole group of people. Human history is replete with such mob killings and the apparent “crime” for attracting such gruesome mass punishment, incidentally, has often been their membership of a certain religion or ethnic group.

Perched on the unenviable position of the most oppressed religious minority in Pakistan by far the Ahmadis of Pakistan have been bearing the brunt of the indigenous clergy’s venom hell bent upon decimating them if they refuse to renounce their faith for almost six decades. A visit to Rabwah in order to get a perspective on things was a must. After picking up my contact, Imran from Chiniot, a small town only a few kilometers apart from Rabwah on the main Faisalabad-Sargodha highway, it was time to enter the leafy hamlet.

Planned and built in the same era with its wide roads, semi curves, neat roundabouts and, amongst others, eucalyptus trees, Rabwah feels like Model Town, the upscale suburb of Lahore. The mid morning sun was fast threatening to assume its furious glow and the tiny puddles of water accumulated from the overnight rain had started to give off steam. Driving through the furrows made in the muddy, half-broken road by vehicles’ tyres near the busy market place with greengrocers hawking their merchandise and men, women and children noisily haggling, the scene could have been that of any small town Sunday market in Pakistan.

In Pakistan’s political calendar 1974 looms large as the year when the society at large happily embraced gradual erosion of its core social values of tolerance and religious freedom failing to cherish and guard the same as happens in most civilized societies. Eversince that lamentable parliamentary over-reaction under pressure from the religious right the collective slow trot on the road to perdition-and now having been worked up into a swift gallop-is dotted with a number of milestones of shame, many stained with the blood of religious minorities.

Like a Mormon town Rabwah’s religious symbols are the first to greet the visitor especially the distinct black caps worn by men and boys making one feel like being in a different place from the rest of rustic, rural Punjab. Even the burkas women wore were cut and stitched in the 70s style as was commonly worn by women of my mother’s generation of the same era when the impossible duality of figure hugging and hijab could go hand in hand. Does that signify the community’s abrupt isolation from the mainstream since 1974 like a clock rendered out of order after a bomb explosion showing the exact time of the blast? Although I did not try to find the answer, privately, my answer to that was a yes.

Mr Khan, the retired, grey-haired civil servant out of the three gentlemen that I was supposed to meet had a more secular and egalitarian outlook on the whole issue. The other two, Shakeel, a prayer leader from a nearby district and Asim, a volunteer in his early thirties seemed more orthodox in their approach in terms of religion to the point of proselytizing. After lunch at Darul Ziafat and during tea and cookies I was shown examples of such milestones, posters inciting people to murder apostate and perfidious fifth columnists Qadianis, discriminatory land auction advertisements expressly excluding Ahmadis from taking part, the kind of overt racism West Indian blacks and Irish immigrant workers had to endure in the 50s London barring perhaps the death threats.

While sitting in the shadow of the portraits of bearded and turbaned religious leaders of the faith, past and present, adorning the walls of the sitting area adjacent to the dining table where lunch was served earlier by efficient waiters, the conversation invariably veered towards religion and theological differences between creeds and sects. Although as per our mutually agreed arrangement only human rights angle of the abuses had to be discussed but the exchange on comparative religions was getting quite engrossing.

On February 27 1842 a brilliant comet belonging to the Kruetz Sungrazing Comet Group passed only 126,000 miles from Sun’s photoshere which appeared to the naked eye as “an elongated white cloud”. Passengers on board the ship Owen Glendower, off the Cape of Good Hope, described it as a “short dagger like object” that closely followed the Sun towards the western horizon. William Sears, an American convert to Baha’ism, mentions this comet in his riveting read, Thief in the Night as a proof of the fulfillment of Biblical and Islamic prophecies concerning the second coming of the Messiah. Intriguingly at about the same time when Baha’ism was being born in Shia Iran Qadiani faith was launched in British India. Even more intriguing was the fact that both claimed the advent of the promised Messiah; I could not help but ask my hosts the obvious question.

“Do you rely on the sighting as a sign of the second coming like the Baha’is?“ No was the definitive answer from Mr Khan, the effete septuagenarian who looked surprisingly fit for his years. “But the choice is between Baha’ism and Ahmadiyya [when it comes to the second coming of Jesus]“, he chuckled with an intelligent shine in his eyes living upto his palpably relaxed demeanour causing a rather long pause of silence in the conversation. Quite frankly, the picture one gets these days of smaller religious groups is that of being increasingly anxious to ensure their physical well being rather than care about their creed being superior, Ahmadis being no exception. When will this atmosphere of intolerance and inhuman hatred ease up and who will pull the plug? The cliched but true answer to the latter part of my question was trotted out by those present in unanimity; the military establishment who propped up the half baked, semi literate mullah to create a perpetual constituency for itself will have to pull the plug and walk out of this dangerous and pernicious state policy.

As our vehicle slowly trudged out of that well kempt oasis of tranquility after saying our farewells amidst mutual feelings of doom and gloom, my mind went back to what Khan had remarked earlier about the westernized liberal elites equally if not more to blame for extremism to take root since they are the ones who have, over the years, kept the dream of rule of law and constitutionalism alive. One could easily add another much bigger section of the population which, dare I say, is the silent majority; those straddling the liberal-conservative divide that usually choose not to voice their concerns when it comes to the constitutional right to life, never mind the freedom to practice religion.

Food for thought? Indeed.

Names of people mentioned in the piece have been changed.

The author can be reached at bashirtariq33@yahoo.co.uk and on twitter @Tariq_Bashir

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Enough Is Enough for Ahmadis

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Enough Is Enough for Ahmadis

Nivell Rayda | March 20, 2011

A member of the Ahmadiyah community in Ciaruteun Udik signs a document stating Islam’s declaration of faith as proof of having renounced his unorthodox beliefs after attacks and calls to convert. (Antara Photo)

When 55-year-old Joni Jailani became the leader of Ciaruteun Udik village in Bogor two years ago, it never crossed his mind that he would be mentioned in newspapers, let alone in the same articles as leaders of the Indonesian Council of Ulema and the local office of the Religious Affairs Ministry.

But that was exactly what happened shortly after 33 of his fellow villagers, including children, said they wanted to return to the fold of mainstream Islam — after long having been adherents of the controversial Ahmadiyah sect.

“This article tells the truth, but the news on television has been exaggerated,” Joni told the Jakarta Globe, pointing to an article recently run by a local newspaper, which he said would be framed and put on a wall as a reminder of his “achievement” in converting those who follow the “blasphemous” sect’s beliefs.

“There was never any intimidation, any coercion or even persuasion, as television reports state. The Ahmadis here just want to live peacefully with their neighbors. Yes, some of them decided to stay with Ahmadiyah and leave, but what good does that do? At their new place they’re not going to be accepted, because of their faith.”

The Ahmadiyah Issue

In recent years, persecution and violent attacks have marked the lives of Ahmadis living across Indonesia. On Feb. 6, three Ahmadis in the subdistrict of Cikeusik, Banten were killed in a brutal attack by a lynch mob of more than 1,500 villagers. And more attacks have followed since.

Instead of protecting this minority sect, the government accuses the Ahmadis of leading more and more Muslims “astray.”

The main bone of contention is the Ahmadiyah view of the Prophet Muhammad.

A crucial tenet in Islam is that Muhammad was the final prophet and the Koran is its holy book. But mainstream Muslim organizations accuse Ahmadiyah of considering its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908), to be a prophet as well.

Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali has also repeatedly said that his officials had found the Ahmadis had a different holy book altogether: Tazkirah.

Ahmadis here however have strongly denied both claims, stressing that Mirza was nothing more than a reformer of Islam, and the Tazkirah was simply a compilation of Mirza’s writings used as a book of religious-philosophical learning.

Indonesian governments at various levels however are not taking chances. Several regions have issued regulations on the basis of a 2008 joint ministerial decree, which bans Ahmadiyah members from proselytizing.

Most recently, East Java Governor Soekarwo and West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan issued decrees that further restrict the movements and activities of the sect.

West Java took matters a step further, coordinating with the local military command and urging mainstream Muslims to occupy Ahmadiyah mosques, with non-Ahmadis leading Friday prayer sermons in hopes to get Ahmadis to “convert to Islam.”

Just a week after the West Java decree was issued, dozens of unidentified men came to Ciaruteun Udik, home to 18 Ahmadiyah families, to target Ahmadis’ homes, pelting them with rocks. But village leader Joni claims the attack was not aimed at converting them.

“I don’t even know who the attackers were. Yes, some villagers here were provoked and joined the attack,” he said. “After the incident, four Ahmadis renounced their faith and joined Islam. The initiative was theirs. I didn’t even try to persuade them.”

The village chief added that four other Ahmadis soon followed suit. “I told them if they were really serious about renouncing their faith they should produce a written statement. And so they did.”

Converting Under Pressure?

Joni agreed to show signed statements that were handwritten by the recent converts.

“You see, they made the statements themselves. This is not formulated by the government. You can see their own handwriting in these statements,” he said.

“See, this letter was written by a man who didn’t finish elementary school. You can’t forge handwriting as terrible as this.”

But converts in Ciaruteun Udik, as well as in the Ahmadiyah community in the neighboring villages of Cimanggu and Cisalada, tell a different story. “You have to ask yourself, if there weren’t any attacks in Ciaruteun Udik, would people convert? Of course not,” one Ahmadi woman who spoke on condition of anonymity told the Globe.

The woman added that after four Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik renounced their faith, local officials harassed the rest of the Ahmadiyah community, urging them to follow suit. “They visited our homes, rounded us up. Even called us round the clock. We were intimidated,” she said.

“I don’t know if this is a coincidence or not. But [on March 13] at around 6 p.m., dozens of people attacked the homes of Ahmadiyah members in Cibuntu [West Java]. Afterward, they marched to Cimanggu and ransacked Ahmadis’ homes at around 8:30 p.m.”

This attack took its toll on the remaining Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik. A total of 29 men, women and children quickly announced they would renounce their faith.

“At that point I felt I had had enough,” 47-year-old Nur Hasan told the Globe. “I just want to live in peace. I don’t want to run away. Where would I go? Where would my children go?”

He recently renounced his Ahmadiyah beliefs and managed to persuade his wife and four children to do the same. Hasan’s father and siblings felt similar pressure and did so as well.

The remainder of those who refused to convert, estimated at around 60 people, have now left the village with their belongings, seeking refuge elsewhere. Their homes, some badly damaged due to attacks, remain abandoned.

Among those who fled Ciaruteun Udik fearing for their safety is 70-year-old Dayat, a Ahmadiyah cleric whose whereabouts are unknown.

“The fact is, the people who converted never felt intimidated by the attack. They told me they had always wanted to convert to Islam, but each time Dayat told them not to,” Joni claimed.

Calls for Violence

In Ciaruteun Udik, there is an eerie silence that looms at every corner of this small village of less than 500 souls.

Outside almost every home people have put up signs reading “Ahlusunnah Wal Jamaah” — signifying the homes belong to members of the mainstream Muslim community. The signs are put up in the hopes that they won’t fall victim to further attacks.

With the exception of Hasan, who agreed to speak at Joni’s home, the remaining former Ahmadis refused to talk about their reasons for renouncing their beliefs. When approached by the Globe, one recent convert specifically asked to be contacted by phone claiming that it was not safe to discuss the matter openly in Ciaruteun Udik.

“My neighbors are watching me, observing my every move to make sure I am not practicing the [Ahmadiyah] faith in secret. I also can’t let you into my house, they might get suspicious and I could be in trouble if I do,” the man said.

Later attempts by the Globe to contact him over the phone were unsuccessful.

Muhammad Isnur, from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik and Leuwisadeng, also in Bogor district, including Dayat, were rounded up a day after the first attack on March 11, shortly after Friday prayers.

“They were briefed by the Bogor Police, officers from the regional military command and the village’s ulema [religious leaders], among others, on the contents of the new gubernatorial decree,” he said. Even though the decree itself is unconstitutional, Muhammad said, the Ahmadis were strongly urged to obey.

“The preaching at mosques has gotten worse — there are calls to kill, attack and hang the Ahmadis,” he said.

Local and international human rights groups have also documented cases where military officers have visited the homes of Ahmadis in several districts in West Java, collecting data and asking people to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.

“They were intimidated into signing a statement,” said Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI).

“The village administration leader also informed them that if they insisted on remaining Ahmadis, it would be difficult for them to get their ID cards processed, and to get their children into schools.”

“The Ahmadis were also offered up to Rp 150,000 [$14] to renounce their beliefs.”

Ruhdiyat Ayyubi Ahmad, a JAI leader, said he did not know where the Ciaruteun Udik Ahmadis who refused to renounce their faith were hiding.

“Ahmadiyah came to Indonesia not through force or coercion, but in peace, so I am saddened to see that it takes violence and intimidation to make them renounce their faith,” Ruhdiyat told the Globe.

“I can understand why some of our brothers and sisters felt they had to leave Ahmadiyah. We don’t see them as enemies or traitors. I am certain that for some, they still feel that Ahmadiyah is the right path for them.”

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