Showing posts with label Saudi Arabia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Saudi Arabia. Show all posts

Monday, July 26, 2010

Toward a more open society

OPINION
Mon, 07/26/2010
9:37 AM

Toward a more open society
Usman Hamid, Bogor

On July 7, I had a chance to meet Switzerland President Doris Leuthard during her visit to Indonesia.

The topic of the meeting was about today’s world’s most important issue: Islam and pluralism. Leuthard’s visit was crucial because the minaret referendum in Switzerland had become a controversy in Indonesia sometime ago.

Other participants, included prominent scholars such as Franz Magnis Suseno, Yenny Wahid and Goenawan Mohammad.

We expressed concern about the development of the issues of freedom of religion and of the tendency to disrespect principles of the rule of law, equality for all citizens and human dignity.

Religious intolerance seems to be growing stronger in our society, particularly here in Indonesia, although the context of history and politics and the threat to religious minority groups in our respective countries are very different.

Indonesia has a long history in recognizing diversity and promoting tolerance. It is unacceptable for the differences that have emerged to result in acts of violence for the benefit of a particular religion or group and to the detriment of all others.

Indonesia has developed into a stable democratic country and has begun to promote respect and recognition of universal human rights values.

In a democratic government, every citizen is allowed to choose their religious beliefs. The government should protect them, instead of interfering in such a domain.

However, the threats endangering freedom of religion have sometimes been generated through democratic institutions and mechanisms, including voting or polling. In this stage, democracy needs more values such as humanism to protect the weak, the minority, the marginalized and the oppressed.

Indonesia has seen a deficit in terms of constitutional democracy and freedom of religion such as sectarian conflict in Ambon and Poso. In other cases, hard-line groups have committed violence against minorities, both the internal and the outsiders, in which women have fallen victims.

The adoption and implementation of several new laws has contributed such to the deteriorating situation of freedom of religion in Indonesia. As an example, the imposition of a bylaw (Qanun) on Sharia in Aceh, which is followed by Islamic-centered policies at district or regency levels. The interest groups in Aceh use justification saying that the special autonomy law had become “the legal umbrella” to endorse the bylaw, let alone the Indonesian Constitution as the highest legal basis.

Another situation is found in the Constitutional Court’s ruling in 2010. The Court refused to annul the 1965 Prevention of Blasphemy and the Abuse of Religions Law that has been used to encourage persecution against non-mainstream religious groups, such as Ahmadiyah.

Using this contextual prism, we observe similar problems faced by Switzerland in relation to the Minaret referendum controversy. Such controversy also gave negative implications in religious freedom in Indonesia. Should such controversy, which indicates disrespect toward the freedom of religion happening even in a country like Switzerland, where human rights are well-established in its constitution; radical Muslim groups here would undermine democracy and human rights in Indonesia’s agenda.

In 2010 alone, eight cases of religious vigilante are recorded, including intimidation, physical assaults such as beating, and the illegal moves taken to dissolve meetings held by or for the minorities.

Recently, hard-line group claimed to be defenders of Islam dissolved a workshop on transgender issues, organized by the National Human Rights Commission and attended by legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), using fake argumentation that communist followers attended the meeting.

Violent activities could easily happen because of the absence of law enforcement, in particular, omission by the police. Therefore, national authorities must take firm action against any incitement to violence committed by extreme groups. Last week, the National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri promised there would be no raid by mass organizations during Ramadan.

Apart from lack of law enforcement, peace education for all sectors of the young generation is essential.

Cultural education is an important precondition to take care of freedom. Like what our founding fathers often emphasized, freedom is not only political freedom, but also openness of mind and spirit, regarding the world without prejudice, unhampered by restrictions and narrow-minded distrust.

We hope that Leuthard’s visit to Jakarta will always remind us to give serious attention to the issues of religious tolerance. By promoting the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, this issue should be discussed in every human rights dialogue held between Indonesia and Switzerland, as well as inside the human rights framework of the European Union Comprehensive Partnership Agreement (CPA) so that we all move further toward a more open society.

The writer is the coordinator for the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras).

Friday, July 16, 2010

Al-Umm boarding school: FPI’s forgotten cradle of history

National
Fri, 07/16/2010
12:21 PM

Al-Umm boarding school: FPI’s forgotten cradle of history

“You are in Islamic territory. Please mind your manners by speaking politely and not showing your aurat *parts of the body that should be covered in Islam*,“ reads a welcome sign at the entrance to Al-Umm Islamic boarding school.

Tucked in a small alley called Gang Jamblang on Jl. WR Supratman in South Tangerang regency, the school is hardly recognizable as a typical Islamic establishment from its exterior. A small plastic name plaque is the only clue to the building’s function.

The fairly modest establishment played witness to the birth of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), a hard-line organization notorious for its violent attacks on those it deems offensive to Islamic values and virtues.

Inside the compound another sign reads, “Do not tire or become exhausted in the struggle to eradicate Ahmadiyah”.

Ahmadiyah is a religious sect considered blasphemous to Islam because it does not recognize Muhammad as the last prophet.

Despite the signs, a student, Ilham, greeted visitors in a friendly manner, taking them to meet the school’s founder and owner Syeikh Misbahul Anam.

There was no hint of menace on the features of the 40-something year old sheikh, who smiled in a friendly manner - a far cry from the terrifying expressions worn by FPI field commanders in action

Misbahul, from Brebes, Central Java, said his school was established about a year before the FPI was officially founded at the school on Aug. 17, 1998.

He said that during the first year, the school had occupied a 70 square-meter plot of land, and had only nine students. Now the school has around 51 students.

“*FPI chairman* Habib Rizieq was also one of the facilitators and the conceptualists of the ideas that led to the establishment of this school,” said Misbahul, now the secretary of the FPI’s consultative assembly.

Misbahul said the FPI had been born when he befriended current FPI leader Habib Rizieq long before the establishment of Al-Umm.

Together they decided to set up the FPI at the boarding school, which was the group’s first headquarters before it was relocated to Rizieq’s residence in Petamburan, Central Jakarta.

“We share the same ideas on cruelty, infidelity and injustice toward Muslims,” said Misbahul, who was FPI secretary-general - second in command after Rizieq - during the early years of the FPI.

However, Misbahul said, he and Al-Umm had slowly moved out of the limelight as the leaders and instigators of the FPI.

In spite of this, Misbahul said, he remained an active member of the FPI, and that one of his tasks was to prepare the next generation of FPI leaders to replace Rizieq when he was too tired to continue.

“We have some potential members who deserve to lead, and we are continuously developing them for the next congress *in 2013*. Anyone can be named leader,” he said.

“We do not recognize seniority. Everyone has the same obligations, rights and chances.”

It is thought that the FPI branched off from the Pamswakarsa civil guard, a security force formed by the military to support the Habibie regime.

Then Indonesia Military (TNI) commander Gen. Wiranto and then Jakarta police chief Noegroho Dja-yusman are thought to have masterminded the formation of the FPI.

Both have repeatedly denied the allegation despite that the FPI openly declared support for Wiranto during his presidency bid in 2004 and vice-presidency bid in 2009.

Misbahul also denounced an allegation that the military and the police were backing the FPI. He said the military would not approach the FPI until the group gained popularity and influence.

“For example, then TNI territorial chief Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono *now the President* once asked for our assistance in dealing with insurgencies in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam,” Misbahul said.

“So, it was not us who came to the military generals, it was they who came to us.”

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said he was not aware of the cooperation between Yudhoyono and FPI leaders.

Misbahul also said the generals had come to the FPI to seek assistance in dealing with security issues.

“As long as their requests are made for security reasons, then we will help them. We will not help any request concerning infidelity,” he said.

Rendy Witular/Hans David

Islam Defenders mutating into splinter cells for hire

National
Fri, 07/16/2010
12:21 PM

Islam Defenders mutating into splinter cells for hire

Indications are rife that the vigilante group the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) is degenerating into an unchained organization, allowing various vested interests to use the group’s revolting elites to instill the threat of violence in regions where they see fit. The Jakarta Post’s Rendi Akhmad Witular and Hans David Tampubolon explored how the FPI is mutating into a new kind of threat.

Upon entering Jl. Petamburan 3, the main road heading to the FPI headquarters-cum residence of FPI chairman Habib Rizieq, in Central Jakarta, a string of cautious eyes greet unknown visitors.

A couple of men guarding and working on the renovation of Rizieq’s modest residence question the purpose of any visit to the site.

“Habib is currently sick and cannot meet anyone for the time being. He is very tired,” said Amat, one of the guards.

After being released from prison in July last year, Rizieq’s health has been deteriorating.

Rizieq was sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment for instigating the FPI’s bloody attack on members of the Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and Faith in the National Monument park, Central Jakarta, on June 1, 2008.

The firebrand cleric, who earned his degree in Saudi Arabia, now spends most of his time resting in bed or preaching at the FPI’s mosque every Thursday night.

While Rizieq stays low, other FPI elites, mostly from regional chapters, have been busy becoming political mercenaries without consent from FPI’s headquarters.

The elites have used the FPI franchise to form splinter groups to support political parties and regional leaders.

In his statement on Monday, Rizieq said the recent raid of a meeting attended by legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in Banyuwangi, East Java, in late June was not authorized by headquarters.

“The FPI Banyuwangi chapter has been frozen since late April due to an internal dispute. Thus, any activities representing the FPI are forbidden. But somehow they happen,” he said.

FPI leaders in Banyuwangi have been marred by conflagrations for supporting certain political parties.

Aside from the Banyuwangi raids, Rizieq also highlighted several illegitimate raids in Bekasi and Depok in West Java, and Singkawang in West Kalimantan.

He claimed the Bekasi raid, in which the Tiga Mojang (Three Ladies) statue was torn down because it was deemed to represent the Christian Trinity, was actually conducted by proxies of the Bekasi mayor.

Several FPI members, who requested anonymity for safety reasons, said that while Rizieq remained the group’s patron, he no longer had a firm grip on consolidating the personal interests of the FPI elites, who were now competing with each other to replace him at the 2013 congress.

Retired intelligence officer Soeripto said he believed Rizieq had gradually lost control of the organization, which was very prone to being used by intelligence community and law enforcers to serve the interests of the ruling elite.

“It seems now the FPI has a different patron and backing,” said Soeripto, who is among the patrons of the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

“The Banyuwangi incident has shown how Rizieq can no longer maintain a grip on his followers and how the FPI is prone to being infiltrated by the intelligence community either for national or foreign interests.”

However, FPI secretary-general Ahmad Sobri Lubis denied the suggestion that Rizieq was unfit to lead the organization.

“Habib is still in control of the situation. But the regional chapters have full autonomy to act.”

Over the past three years, raids and street rallies carried out by the FPI have mostly been organized by its regional chapters, notably those in Banten, West Java and East Java.

Analysts believe the FPI will eventually break apart into several autonomous splinter cells similar to those of the Pancasila Youth organization, which no longer holds allegiance to their original patron Japto Soerjosoemarno.

The organization is now breaking up into smaller groups widely associated with thugs, operating independently from each other.

“If the FPI is mutating into smaller independent factions, it will be more difficult for the authorities to shut them down as there will be numerous leaders claiming to be operating under the FPI brand,” said Soeripto.

Chairman of the Indonesian Muslim Movement (GUII), Abdurrahman Assegaf, said the FPI would not mutate into smaller factions as long as Habib Rizieq remained in power.

“Habib is still functioning as a kind of moral figure that at some level still unites the FPI elites. He is so instrumental in keeping the group intact,” said Abdurrahman, who has joined forces with the FPI in clamping down on Ahmadiyah - a religious sect considered blasphemous to Islam because it does not recognize Muhammad as the last prophet.

Abdurrahman said the FPI was unlikely to be dissolved as long as law enforcers were not cooperative in complying with demands from the Muslim community to eradicate activities deemed to threaten Islamic teachings.

“There’s always demand for a vigilante group like the FPI because of the law enforcement vacuum, coupled with abundant uneducated Muslims who are prone to be lured into committing violence.”

The FPI is a splinter group of the Pamswakarsa civil guard formed by the military to support the Habibie regime.

The group has been marred by acts of violence allegedly ordered by political parties or businessmen.

Unlike any other hard-line group, the FPI’s struggle is aimed at crushing activities deemed unfit according to Islam, such as prostitution, gambling, drinking and atheism.

The group’s use of ultra violence, which has triumphed over the rule of law in secular Indonesia, is still less potent than that of Jamaah Al Islamiyah, the terrorist group involved in a string of bombings, or Laskar Jihad (Jihad Troops), which incited a sectarian conflict in Maluku.

Sobri Lubis said it was not unusual for the FPI to receive orders from the police to raid establishment deemed to violate Islamic teachings.

Police have repeatedly denied such allegations. National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri told activists Wednesday that all violence “had to be eradicated” in the country.

According to FPI Consultative Assembly secretary Misbahul Anam, then TNI territorial chief Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono *now the President* asked for the group’s assistance in dealing with insurgencies in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam.

In July 1999, FPI leaders met high-ranking military generals, including Yudhoyono, at the TNI headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, to discuss solutions for the insurgencies in Aceh, according to media reports at the time.

The administration of President Yudhoyono has thus far proven unable to crack down on the organization, which has regularly committed violence freely under the noses of law enforcers.

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said he was not aware of the cooperation between Yudhoyono and FPI leaders.

He said the President had shown strong commitment to bring to justice any criminal groups without prejudice.

He said the FPI may now become a tool in a turf war between governing elites with authority for policy-making.

The turf war includes clandestine battles between the military and the police, between Islamic organizations and liberal wings, between pro-democracy and antidemocracy, and between political elites over the Bank Century bailout scandal.

“The FPI has been nurtured for almost 12 years as a tool for state terrorism. It can be used to discredit Islam, or to sideline the police or certain political parties, or even to divert public attention from certain high-profile scandals involving policy makers,” he said.

Since its birth in 1998, the FPI has been involved in at least 50 incidents.


 The FPI’s most infamous incidents
1998 Nov. 22:
Ketapang incident in Central Jakarta.
1999 September:
Raids on prostitution and gambling dens in Jakarta
2000 Dec. 14:
Raids on prostitution den in Subang for allegedly harboring thugs involved in the attack on the residence of an FPI senior member.
2001 Oct. 15:
Jakarta police deploy around 1,000 officers to storm FPI headquarters. The raid ends in a clash between the police and FPI members.
2002 March 15:
A string of massive FPI raids on several clubs in Jakarta.
June 26:
The FPI raids several pubs along tourist-packed Jl. Jaksa in Jakarta
2003 April 20:
Habib Rizieq is detained by Jakarta police for slandering the force.
Aug. 20:
The court sentences Rizieq to 7 months in prison.
2004 Oct. 3:
Raids on Catholic school Sang Timur, demanding the shutting down of the school.
Oct. 22:
The FPI raids clubs in Kemang, Jakarta
2005 Aug. 5:
Raids on the headquarters of the Liberal Islamic Network in Jakarta.
Sept. 19:
The FPI raids an Ahmadiyah residential compound in Cianjur, West Java.
2006 April 12:
Raids on the office of Playboy Indonesia magazine.
2007 March 29:
Attacks on women’s movement group Papernas
2008 June 1:
Attacks on members of the Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and Faith in the National Monument park, Central Jakarta
Oct. 30:
Rizieq and the commander of the Islam Defender Troops (LPI) were sentenced for 18 months for inciting violence.
2010 March 26:
FPI members forced their way into a hotel in Surabaya, East Java, demanding that foreign participants of the 4th regional Lesbian, Gay, Transgender and Intersex Association conference.
May 4:
FPI members storm a government-backed human rights workshop for transgender individuals in Depok, West Java.
June 24:
A raid on a meeting of legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in Banyuwangi, East Java.

FPI Profile

Sunday, May 2, 2010

Religious freedom

---Daily Dawn, Pakistan

Religious freedom
  Dawn Editorial
  Sunday, 02 May, 2010

This year’s report by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, released on Thursday, puts Pakistan on the list of 13 “countries of particular concern” that are serious violators of religious freedom.

The country has escaped being ranked amongst the worst offenders which include Saudi Arabia, China, Myanmar and North Korea. Nevertheless, this indictment should cause serious concern. Abuse of the right to religious freedom is rampant as evidenced by the rise in religiously motivated crimes against minorities. There is on the one side growing intolerance fuelled in recent years by attacks organised by proscribed terrorist organisations such as the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan. On the other, as the societal mindset shifts towards the right, there is a growing lack of understanding of the rights of people of other faiths.

Reversing this trend requires steps at multiple levels. First, extremist organisations guilty of inciting religious hatred must be stamped out. Their leaders and members need to be identified and brought to trial, and the sources of their funding severed. Beyond that, awareness must be spread about the constitutional right to religious freedom and the minority communities’ status as equal citizens.

As the report notes: “Serious religious freedom concerns persist in Pakistan, where religiously discriminatory legislation has fostered an atmosphere of intolerance…. A number of Pakistan’s laws abridge freedom of religion or belief. Anti-Ahmadi legislation results in discrimination against individual Ahmadis and effectively criminalises various practices of their faith. Blasphemy laws have been used to silence members of religious minorities and dissenters within the majority Muslim community, and frequently result in imprisonment on account of religion or belief and/or vigilante violence.… The government’s response to sectarian and religiously motivated violence continues to be inadequate, despite increased security operations against extremists.” These shortcomings must be addressed on a priority basis.

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URL : www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-conte...edom-250-hh-09
 
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